Environmental Policy and the Nile Essay Samples

Environmental Policy and the Nile River

...." The land itself is polluted, they 13 believe, because of the polluted water. "In the past, we walked on the land and smelled mud and the smell was good. Now it smells bad ... " Water Shortage Members of the research team always introduced themselves as coming from the Ministry of Public Works and Water Resources. In the focus groups, farmers were usually first to introduce the subject of water shortages. They had intense feelings about the amount of water available and sometimes. These feelings were deeply felt and sometimes the focus group participants directed their negative feelings at the moderators and notetakers from the Ministry. Each village has its own factors producing water shortages. In general, however, those at the end of a mesqa, even in Aswan, suffer water shortages: "In the beginning of the mesqa they complain of too much water. At the end of the mesqa they don't have enough water." Focus group participants in some villages in Aswan say they do not have a problem with the quantity of water. However, in other villages participants complained of water shortages, "Water is important and it only comes every 22 days. What can we do?" In El Fayoum, water shortages are remembered from the times before the High Dam, but in one village farmers mentioned a chronic problem with water shortages at the present time. A woman insisted that there are water shortages right now, "The land is more now, so the water isn't enough." At first, all the participants in her focus group disagreed with her. Everyone else said that there was adequate water. However, by the end of the discussion, the entire group had shifted to endorse the woman's position and others volunteered that villagers had complained due to the lack of water. One focus group is unfortunately not adequate to determine the situation in this village. However, the men's focus group discussion, while acknowledging the role of the MPWWR in providing water, indicated that the water was still insufficient for their needs. "We thank the Ministry and need more water." Dumiati farmers expressed the most complaints about water shortages. "In the summer, [water is supposed to be scheduled for] five days on and five days off. But [the water] only comes for one or one-and-one-half days." "There is no water. There is no production." They attribute their plight to the MPWWR and expect the "government" to do something to help them. "We want the government to come and see why there isn't any water." "Those who have water pay the same taxes as we do who have no water." They are clear in their minds about the reasons for the water shortage, but the reasons vary by village. In one village focus groups participants attributed the lack of water to the inadequacy of the small pump they were provided by the MPWWR to pump the water into their mesqa, as well as the inaccuracy of the level provided to them by the irrigation engineer. In addition, they said that they were at the end of a long canal and there were 500 pumps working the canal before it got to their village. In one Dumiati village, focus group participants claimed that farmers occasionally have to water their crops with "water from the faucet." In another context in the discussion, a woman 14 from this village said that she had once had a water bill (monthly or bimonthly) of LE 115 (approximately $34 US Dollars). Although they must pay a great deal of money for using tap water to irrigate, farmers regard this as more cost effective than letting their crops wither in the fields. Perhaps for this reason, this was the only village in which people complained of shortages of drinking water. "[Only] at one o'clock in the morning do you find drinking water." While complaining of a shortage of agricultural water, Dumiatis suffer from a surplus of drainage water. They would like help with this problem as well, "Before the water comes it should be lessened." "We want a drainage project!" These comments come from two different villages in Dumiat. Water-Saving Practices Farmers engage in a variety of practices that result in saving water. Most of these behaviors involve the more efficient use of water. In some cases, farmers are able to reduce their net requirement for water and for others, these behaviors allow the farmers to redistribute their water allocation in a new way and has not resulted in a net savings of water. For this study, the term, “water conservation behaviors” has been used to describe a number of behaviors related to use of irrigation water. These behaviors include old behaviors which the farmers have always practiced and some new behaviors. Saving water was not always the explanation given by farmers for why certain practices were adopted and maintained. Virtually all farmers in groups in all three governorates said they watered at night. A relatively small minority of farmers said that they watered both day and night or "whenever their [irrigation] appointment came." "In the beginning of the mesqa, you water anytime. At the end, you water at night and people have land at both ends," a man from Aswan said. However, in El Fayoum, a man said that people at the end of the mesqa were more likely to water day and night in order to maximize their chances of getting enough water. "Everyone waters at night because the earth takes more water," said a woman in Aswan. A Fayoumi man explained why everyone irrigates by night, "Irrigation by night is best for the crops." In another focus group in El Fayoum a man elaborated, "Watering at night is better because the ground is cooled and it takes water right away." Several women in focus groups in El Fayoum and Dumiat expressed the same idea. The identity of the person who irrigates by night is determined by region and gender. In El Fayoum, focus group participants said that women could not irrigate at night because they could not go out at night. However, two women from Dumiat in two different focus groups volunteered, before being asked, about watering at night, "We're up all night irrigating from years ago [i.e., the practice is old in this village]." "I'm up all night irrigating." Everyone said that they leveled the land. In many villages, the cooperative rents a laser level every year or two and farmers contribute to its rental. The level is used on everyone's land in the village. Participants from just one village say they did not level their land. Although they 15 recognized the value of leveling, they asserted that it was too expensive. Elsewhere, farmers seemed to consider leveling to be a normal part of farming. "You have to level the land, it's the way in farming." "You have to level the land. Also crops have to receive water equally." Farmers engage in other practices which they believe will save water. This may be true even when farmers do not perceive they have a serious water shortage. Two participants in a men's group in Aswan said, "Everyone should finish irrigating quickly to give water to their neighbor." Farmers' behavior is characterized by flexibility and hard-headed practicality. Farmers recognize that crops have different requirements for water and if they receive too much water for their crop's requirement, they share their watering time with a neighbor who needs more water. In addition, amount of water available is a major factor in deciding which crops to grow. "I grow sweet potatoes because I do not have much water," said a woman in Dumiat. This is true even, as some complained in this women's focus group, potatoes and sweet potatoes are a lot of work and do not give a good financial return. "Sweet potatoes and potatoes are little crops. They do not produce like rice." When asked to identify crops that require little water, people in most groups mentioned sesame. Sunflowers were also mentioned. "Winter crops don't take much water, but rice takes a lot," said one man. An Aswani woman commented, "Women like to grow peppers, local greens (moulikhiya), okra, tomatoes--they don't take much water." However, it was unclear in this context whether the woman actually believed the crops take much water or whether she was taking pains to justify her attraction to growing food for the household. Crops In choosing which crops to plant, farmers take several factors into consideration: ! Amount of land available (one group claimed that the cooperative decided what they could plant in plots of a feddan or more) (one feddan = 4200 square meters) ! Amount of water available ! Type of soil ! Probable income ! Amount of work required to grow the crop ! Crop previously grown on the land ! Season ! Household needs ! Logistics of marketing Farmers, as mentioned above, are well aware of the water requirements of various crops and plant according to the water they anticipate having. For example, in Dumiat where water is not plentiful, a woman said longingly, "If I had enough water, I'd grow part rice and part cotton." 16 Many farmers said that, "The land decides what you can grow." In salty soil, people in El Fayoum and Dumiat explained, you have to grow rice. Rice and clover (bersim) are widely believed to replenish the soil. "Rice improves the earth." "Rice makes the earth like a young girl." "After rice the land becomes better and better." Poor and sandy soil, many farmers said, is suited mainly to sesame. Income is a major factor in deciding what crop to grow. Rice, cotton, and sugar cane are big money-making crops. "There is no money better than sugar cane," said a man in Aswan. One of the additional attractions of sugar cane, men in Aswan commented, was that it does not take much work. However, other Aswanis envied farmers who plant cotton, which they felt was more lucrative than sugar cane. "I want to grow cotton. Cotton gives more money than sugar cane. The problem is the cooperative doesn't agree." Some farmers indicated that rice produces a large yield per feddan. A man in Dumiat said, "I have something good. I have 1 1/2 feddans and I produce about 20 tons of rice. The feddan produces a lot." Several woman in El Fayoum observed that, "Rice gives more profit per feddan than any other crop." Fayoumi women in another focus group would disagree, "wheat and cotton are the most lucrative crops." Farmers rotate their crops. Rice was widely viewed as the summer alternative to clover because both crops improve the land. Focus group participants said that some crops are particularly hard on the soil. For example, one male Aswani commented, "If you grow sugar cane, the land becomes tired." A man in El Fayoum observed that, "Corn ruins the earth." Many women mentioned that, because they live on the land and are rural people, it is important to meet their household food requirements through their household's farming efforts. The women's need for food self-sufficiency came through very strongly, especially in El Fayoum, although it was apparent in all three sites. "We grow wheat because our children eat it." Men in one focus group in El Fayoum said, "Women grow a little pepper, local vegetable (moulikhiya), and the needs of the house." Many of the crops that Fayoumi women said they grew could also be used for household consumption, "We grow wheat, pepper, cotton, corn, milo, and potatoes." "We in the village grow zucchini, pepper, cucumber, wheat, corn, and melon." Both women and men were angry about the rice fine. Many said they paid the fine and planted enough rice for the year for their families, rather than buy rice from the store or from their neighbors. "Don't Egyptians eat rice? Don't you in Cairo eat rice? We also want to eat rice." Women in Dumiat and El Fayoum commented that rice was expensive, LE 1 1/2 per kilo. Said one Dumiati woman, "I eat that much in one meal." Marketing is another factor in deciding which crops to plant. Both sesame and sunflowers require little water and their planting is encouraged by cooperatives in El Fayoum. However, they have very different implications for the farmer, based partly on marketing. Sunflowers are purchased by the oil processing factory. If the factory does not take the sunflowers, the farmer loses the crop. (S)he has no other way of selling the it. Sesame can be sold by the rural women and farmers are not dependent on one purchasing source. However, sesame is believed to spoil quickly. "People are afraid that sesame spoils quickly," said a man in El Fayoum. Nevertheless, 17 some Fayoumi farmers who would rather be growing rice have switched to sesame and sunflower because that is what the cooperative has told them to do and they do not wish to pay the rice fine. In a village very close to a sugar cane processing factory in Aswan, male focus group participants said they planted 80-90 percent sugar cane and were secure that the entire crop would be processed in good time. However, in another village visited by the team, farmers planted a much more diversified crop so they did not rely heavily on sugar cane. The village was much farther from the sugar processing factory. Village women complained, "The factory picks up the sugar cane late and then it dries out and the sugar goes." In addition to these factors, most farmers (see Irrigation section) tend to consult their neighbors about what to grow, and they plant the same things as their neighbors. Although the laws have been liberalized in the past two years and agricultural cooperatives in most cases may no longer specify what crops farmers must plant, in practice this may not be working out. A large number of farmers said that it is the cooperative that decides what they will grow. "The [agricultural engineer from the cooperative] says, 'Don't grow this here. Don't grow this here. Grow this here.'" "The decision of what to grow is the agricultural cooperative's." Farmers demonstrate a great deal of flexibility in addition to practicality. Farmers in El Fayoum are all planting less rice than they would like. Most seem to be planting only enough for household self-sufficiency and paying the fine rather than go to the store to buy their family's rice needs. These farmers have changed to other crops. Some Aswani farmers who have never planted cotton are willing to change if they can make more money. One of the focus group moderators asked a group in Aswan if they would consider switching from sugar cane to sugar beets and received this reply, "I don't know. I haven't seen it. But I'm willing to learn. If it is good, someone shows it to us, then we'll grow it." Study data suggest that by "good," the farmer probably means suitable to his soil, yielding a high profit, and requiring a reasonable ratio of labor to profit. Meanings of Water Water brings life to plants, animals, and humans. It a gift from God to the world. "The irrigation water is good. It is water from God." In the past, water brought health not only to people, but to the land. "The earth was good and kind. Now the earth is sick [from the water]." "In the past we used to drink from the Nile and we never needed a doctor." Drinking water should be pure, giving life and health. Yet, in Aswan, El Fayoum, and Dumiat, villagers told the researchers that agricultural water was contaminated by foreign objects. Although the team noticed that solid waste such as plastic items and food remains were present in some irrigation and drainage waterways, no one mentioned these as sources of pollution. Nightsoil and sewage were mentioned frequently as well. In both Upper and Lower Egypt, a few people mentioned bloodied waste materials from clinics and hospitals. However, farmers in Aswan and Dumiat mentioned factory waste. 18 One of the most frequently cited examples of pollution in the mesqa and canals was dead animals, especially "dead donkeys." "Dead dogs" were also mentioned by a few farmers and one person mentioned "dead chickens." In one village in Dumiat, women reported finding worms and "donkey hair" in the drinking water. "For the past 10 years we have found donkey's hair [in the drinking water from the faucet]. A man cuts donkey's hair by the canal and it comes in the drinking water." Most of the items cited by farmers as causing pollution - donkeys, dogs, human excrement and blood - are physically polluting and represent negative symbols for many Egyptians. For example, donkeys are not a respected animal in Egypt and their carcasses would not be respected. The focus group participants often contrasted the natural and pure state of life-giving water to the death and disease-causing polluted water. The Dumiat focus groups most commonly described their water situation using this symbolic language but we heard this imagery from farmers in the other two governorates. This information, both the symbols and language used to talk about water pollution and contamination, may be important to use in communication campaigns(see Implications). Past, Present, Future Almost all people in all three governorates divided time with respect to water into two periods. The period before construction of the High Dam they referred to as the past (zamaan). The time since the construction of the High Dam forms the present. With respect to water, people compared water quantity and water quality in the past and the present. In all three study areas, most of the people interviewed said that water is now more plentiful than in the past. They were grateful to the MPWWR for the improved and regular water supply resulting from the construction of the High Dam. As a result of more water, some farmers are now: ! Choosing to grow crops, such as rice, which require more water... "Now I grow rice. I couldn't before now (there was not enough water)," said a man in El Fayoum who was paying the rice fine; ! Adding another cropping season, "Since the High Dam we grow three crops a year instead of two;" ! Benefiting from increased farm productivity, "There has been a 99 percent change in the water. In the past I could get 4.5 ardabs per feddan and now I get 18 ardabs per feddan" (an ardab is a unit measure of volume); ! Appreciating the ease of irrigation, "Before, we had to live in the hut [to irrigate with a traditional animal-driven waterwheel]; now in two hours we're through with irrigation;" 19 In terms of water quality, the changes from the past to the present are much more mixed. Most people in all three study areas perceived their water to be pristine in the past. While some areas mentioned improved drinking water, most noticed much more pollution of their drinking and field water. "Before, the water used to come red with clay, now it is clear" said one respondent. Whereas a man from El Fayoum was glad that the Nile flood did not bring water laden with red clay, some Dumiati men did not see it that way, "Before the High Dam, water came full of mud, and that benefits the land a lot. But now, the land is salty and polluted." In Dumiat in particular, water pollution is a serious concern now and in the future. Many Dumiatis echoed the theme of more but poorer quality water. In the words of two men from Dumiat, "Before the High Dam there was a water scarcity. Now there is more water, but it is polluted." "Before there was not enough water, but the quality was excellent. Now there is enough water, but it is polluted and unsuitable." "[Due to lack of water] I plant one third cotton and leave the other two-thirds fallow to have enough water. Did this ever happen before? " Other changes from the past to the present include: ! Increased education for women and concomitant lessening of women's role in agriculture, "In the past girls went [to work] in the fields and it was a shame for them to go to school. Today, girls go to school and it is a shame for them to go to [work in] the fields," said a Fayoumi woman. "In the past, 11, 13, 9 years [old] and the girl was married. I married when I was 9 years old. Today, there are girls who go to college. Today, there is a primary and junior high school ... " an Aswani woman said. Both women and men mentioned this topic. It was almost always at the top of women's lists, while men also mentioned it but it was not always the first or second difference that came to their minds, although some men's groups mentioned it first, "Before, there were no educated women, and now there are women with high degrees. The education is better," was the first comment from an Aswani men's focus group; ! Women mentioned that they are now "more comfortable" due to labor saving devices such as tap water, washing machines (for those who can afford them), septic tanks, and the pleasures of television. In terms of the future, there was a considerable regional difference. Dumiatis were quite unhappy with the decreases in the quality of their lives over the past 30 years (particularly with regard to water quantity and quality). To one Dumiati woman, the past "was the days of baraka [blessedness]." They were not usually as optimistic for the future or saw the future as something totally beyond their control. "God knows [what the future will bring]." "The water could increase or decrease." In contrast, the great majority of people from El Fayoum and Aswan, who had already witnessed what they considered to be great changes for the better, were very optimistic about the future. "Our children's children will benefit. The government will improve and take care of our children better and they will be better than us," said a man from Aswan. An Aswani man from a 20 different village commented, "Every year will be better than the year before." In the future, "[Everything] will be fixed and it will be good," a woman from El Fayoum predicted. Another woman in her focus group continued, "There will be success in the future. Whatever is broken will be fixed." Most of the rural people interviewed during the course of this research remain cheerful and optimistic for the future, even though their lives are in the midst of much social change. The remarkable flexibility demonstrated by these rural people is truly impressive. GENDER ANALYSIS Note: This section provides context for gender-related information; the genderdisaggregated findings and their implications are integrated within the appropriate sections of the report. Over the last twenty to thirty years, the lives of fellahin have undergone enormous changes and many of those changes have been related to water. Cropping has shifted from two to three per year. The Nile no longer overflows its banks and the quality of the soil has changed, becoming saltier in some places. Consequently, different crops must be planted. In terms of gender roles, recent increases in girls’ education, access in some places by some households to labor-saving devices and religious factors are some of the major factors of change in rural areas. Girls and boys are receiving equal education. In some instances, we encountered situations in which girls were more highly educated than boys. The almost universal availability of potable drinking water, usually within the house, has lifted an enormous timeconsuming burden from the heads of women and girls. This change, along with the advent of other labor saving devices for women, e.g., gas stoves and washing machines, has meant an extraordinary decrease in work burden for wealthier village women. Gender norms are changing as well. More educated women may be excluded from work in the fields or their participation in farm work may be reduced. It remains to be seen whether this will result in less input for women in agricultural and irrigation decision-making. One clear implication of this change is that many women now have more free time to watch television and many have the education to understand the programming. 21 COMMUNICATION CHANNEL FINDINGS By far, television was the preferred channel of communication. Apart from Aswan, national television channels were watched most frequently. Dramas and mini-series (tamsalayaat), news, farm-related (Ser il Ard, Sahbah il Kher, Ya Masr) and religious shows were most popular among rural men and women. Men’s television watching was largely in the evening after 7:00 p.m.; women watched both day and evening television shows. Another popular viewing time is Friday after the religious prayer shows (Sheikhs il Kher, Sharawi and Tantawi). In El-Fayoum, both men and women mentioned watched Channels 2 and 7, with women also watching Channel 1. On balance, Fayoumi women watched more hours of television than men. Aswani women appeared to watch the most hours of television - in the daytime and evening. There are reception problems in Aswan for the national and local channels. In Dumiat, Channels 1, 2 and 5 are popular with both men and women. In order, interpersonal communication was the next most popular channel of communication, followed distantly by radio, children and newspapers. Men receive information from the agricultural cooperatives; females receive it through home-based meetings via the Ministry of Social Affairs. Both men and women are avid listeners to the radio Quran shows. Only a few women and men mentioned listening to news and agriculture shows. A few women did listen to radio all day but no men said that they did so. Other shows mentioned include: Sot il Arabii (a.m.), “On the corner” on Friday mornings, “Mohattat Masri” (by El Fayoumi women); “Hadith E Ruh”“Mohattat El Masr” “Cairo Kobra” (by Dumiat women); News, Agricultural Programs (by very few Aswani men). In Dumiat, a few children were said to read papers and tell the news to their mothers (Gomhuriya, El Akhbar, El Wafd, news and accident reports). 22 IMPLICATIONS 1. As a result of their past interactions and impressions of the MPWWR, some farmers seem likely to screen out the MPWWR campaign messages. In order to accept or “hear” campaign messages, farmers will have to believe the source. The research results suggest that the MPWWR may also need to extend its public relations efforts along with the communication campaign. 2. Farmers should have a chance to see the Minister as often as possible through mass media. One option, if practical, would be to create periodic opportunities for direct access to the Minister through a call-in television show. 3. It would be very helpful if the campaign would explain the rationale for some of the Ministry's rules and regulations in order to create believability (e.g., the rice fine) 4. The farmer's role in managing the irrigation system should be explained since a significant minority do not seem to understand that maintenance of the mesqa is their responsibility (or the responsibility of a cooperative group). 5. Many farmers say that they are already using many good water conserving tactics, such as watering at night and leveling the land. In order to show farmers that the Ministry recognizes these efforts and to express partnership with farmers, MPWWR messages should cite farmers' water conserving practices and praise them for their conservation efforts. 6. Farmers appear to be remarkable practical and flexible in their behavior. Their changes in behavior are, to a large extent, based on practical considerations. If the Ministry is interested in changing the behavior of farmers - then these campaigns will need to explain to the advantages to farmers (e.g. increased income, decreased expenditure, reduced workload and/or reduction in water disputes). For example, if the Ministry wants farmers to plant crops that require less water), then the Ministry consider the list of factors that farmers consider when making a cropping decision. In addition, interpersonal communication channels might be advantageous in this effort because of the reliance of farmers on neighbors and agricultural cooperatives in farm decision making. The data seem to suggest that farmers might be willing to change the crops that they grow if their economic interests are served over time. 7. Water scarcity could be linked to population growth and the source of the Nile as outside Egypt, since many farmers already seem to be aware of one or both of these factors. 8. Since the High Dam is the way farmers divide the past (before the High Dam) and present (after 23 the High Dam), water scarcit y could also be illustrat ed by the times before the High Dam when water was often scarce. 9. Since water seems to be a symbol for and source of life, and pollution seems to be regarded as bringing illness and death, images of water used in the campaign should emphasize water as the source of life. Farmers should be encouraged to protect that life. 10. In the future, more research may be needed into the matter of farmers' individual and group decision-making in order to target future campaign messages, develop appropriate images, and serve as a partner to help farmers appreciate water conserving alternatives to some of their present practices. In addition, communication campaigns would benefit from more research on how technical information is communicated among household members (e.g. husbands and wives, parents and children) and how behavior is changed in response to information coming from other household members. 11. Television will be the most important medium to reach male and female farmers. Even in areas where women do not farm extensively, they may channel information to men. Entertaining programs for women that include education on water scarcity could be useful. Pieces on the news and in agricultural programs would reach primarily men, but also some women. 12. Face-to-face communication in the village, e.g., through agricultural cooperative seminars, could also be important to increase the visibility and image of the Ministry, reach those who do not watch television, and explain hard to believe information (e.g., water scarcity in Egypt) 10. Children are an important communication channel and seem to be sources of information for some parents. The school program may be expected to increase parental awareness of water issues. 11. Since words for "mesqa" vary by location, MPWWR should pretest in, at least five different governorates, any language it used to refer to mesqa. 24 25 SELECTED RESULTS Result 1: Communication Channels “Father’s brother, ask us about something important!” You came to ask us about television and radio?! Father’s brother, ask us about cultivation and irrigation!” ‚ For both men and women, TV is the most important communication channel, followed by face-to-face communication, radio and family children. ‚ Regional differences: Good national channel reception; Poor local channel reception Fewer men in Upper Egypt seem to watch TV. ‚ Gender differences: Men and women like some of the same shows; women watch more daytime TV shows (dramas, entertainment, etc.) & men mostly watch news or agriculture shows after 9 p.m. Agricultural cooperatives are the most common channel for face-to-face communication among males; For women, informal communication networks play a similar role. “If someone cooks food in her house, everyone knows” Result 2: Awareness of Limits to Water “Whatever happens in Egypt, happens here” “If there were a scarcity of water in Egypt, we would all die.” ‚ In all three areas, farmers are already acutely aware of local water shortages and changes over time (e.g. water availability before and after the High Dam). ‚ Local issues have the strongest influence on the farmer decisions about water use. ‚ However, some farmers in all three study areas were aware of national and local limits to water, as a result of information from TV and newspapers. ‚ Gender Differences: Women seemed less aware of the national situation than men. 26 Result 3: Water Conservation Behaviors “ The fellah must respect the canal: it is his life!” ‚ In all three study areas, many farmers say that they are already practicing water conservation and have been doing so for quite some time. These practices include: 1. Timing of water (night, during the growing season) 2. Crop choices (types, quick-harvest or drought-tolerant varieties) 3. Leveling their land 4. Cutting grass in the mesqa 5. In all three study areas, farmers at the end of the mesqa have the most difficult time with water. However, many farmers have multiple plots located at different points along the mesqa. These practices can result in improvements in the efficiency of water use but do not always result in a net water savings for the local or national system. ‚ Gender differences: Most women do not go out at night so they are unable to water at night. However, in Dumiat, some women must water at night if their husbands are not present. In some places, a few women have a role in the decision-making about the choice of crops. Result 4: Water Pollution - The Most Frequently Discussed Water Issue “How can the water not be polluted!? Everything - including dead dogs and donkeys - is thrown in the bahr.” ‚ No other viable options for waste disposal from village. ‚ Canal pollution from other sources (e.g. medical and industrial wastes). ‚ Regional Differences: More severe problems in Dumiat ( Lower Egypt). ‚ Gender Differences: Women speak of health; Men speak of crop damage Result 5: Much Farmer Confusion over Farmer and Ministry Responsibilities; Some Farmers Appreciate the Difficulties of the Ministry “Stop the rice fine or don’t give us rice seeds.” 27 “I raise a family, I’m responsible for my family. The Minister of Irrigation raises all the families.” “What can we do by our own hands?” ‚ The farmers want more government help with their farm problems - from irrigation to crop seeds and advice. ‚ Farmers do not always know who is responsible for solving which problems and where to go for help. ‚ Regional Differences: While this confusion was expressed by some in all study areas, the Dumiat people expressed more desperation about their situation. ‚ Gender Differences: Women talk about their families taking water complaints to the government in Fayoum and Dumiat but it was not commonly mentioned by the Aswani women. Result 6: Priority on Self-Sufficiency for Families through Crop Choices “If we didn’t grow rice, what would we feed our children?” ‚ Self-sufficiency in food is a priority at the household level. ‚ Regional Differences: In Aswan, cash crops are prioritized; in Dumiat and Fayoum, households prefer to grow a mix of crops for home use and sale. ‚ Gender Differences: Women more commonly mentioned feeding their families; men appeared to select certain crops because they would earn more money for their families and/or their soils could only sustain certain types of crops. “This (rice) is the best crop to give (earn) money” “The soil is salty so we have to grow rice.” Result 7: Water is a Source of Both Conflict and Cooperation “Water makes us argue amongst ourselves” “Men argue about water” “All of us in the village are one hand” 28 ‚ In some places in all three study areas, water is a source of conflict between farmers and between farmers and the MPWWR. ‚ Farmers cooperate to share pumps and sometimes watering responsibilities. ‚ Gender differences: Because local irrigation decisions are largely made by men, most of the conflicts related to water are among men. However, conflicts related to water pollution occur between and among men and women: “Our neighbors become angry if we throw dirty water in front of the house, so we throw it in the bahr.” “In the past, if a neighbor three something in the water, we’d fight her. We’d tell her to burn her garbage.” Result 8: Perceptions about Water in the Past, Present and Future Past: “It was the days of baraka - Kaanit zamaan helwa” Present: “Before there was not enough water, but the quality was excellent. Now there is enough water, but it is polluted and unsuitable.” Future: “G-d knows” “The future will be better” “There will be success in the future. Whatever is broken will be fixed.” ‚ With regard to water, many people in the focus groups had pleasant memories of the water quality in the past but remember water shortages. Today, they appreciate that more water is available but are concerned with water quality. ‚ Regional Differences: Dumiat focus group members feel more desperate about the present and not optimistic about the future in comparison to those in Fayoum and Aswan. Result 9: Farmer Flexibility and Adoption of New Behaviors “There is a difference from the past. There are educated people. Any fever we have, we run to a doctor.” “Now we grow vegetables and cotton and melons. But before we were planting according to the quantity of water. Now the irrigation is continuous.” 29 ‚ From changing crops to adapting gender roles to current realities and coping with increased rural population densities, farmers in all three areas have already made changes in how they live and work. ‚ To make changes on their farms or irrigation practices, farmers need practical and economic reasons about the advantages of changing to other crops or farm practices. Positive behavior needs to be reinforced in communication campaigns. ‚ Gender and Regional Issues: As women become more educated and as families become wealthier, their families are more reluctant for them to participate in farm labor. In Aswan, men have had to increase their contribution to farm labor and hire outside laborers. Result 10: Local Awareness about Population Growth “There were 15 million people in Egypt and now there are 60 million.” “ There were three in my father’s house. Now there are 15!” ‚ In all three study areas, almost everyone in the focus groups was aware of the increase in population. ‚ Many people discussed the implications of population growth - crowded households, land shortages, food shortages, etc. ‚ People do understand that less water means lower crop yields and less food to feed their families. A few people are aware that this could mean that Egypt will need to import food in the future. 30 CAMPAIGN RECOMMENDATIONS Theme Recommendations Theme 1: Reinforce Positive Behaviors related to Water Conservation ! Combine awareness messages with praise for the many farmers who are already practicing water conserving behaviors: C clearing grass from mesqas C timing their watering (night; during the growing season) C leveling land C choice of crops by type and water-conserving varieties C careful watering to avoid wasting water Water efficiency practices should be linked to the local and national needs to achieve a net reduction in water use (water conservation). Theme 2: Water gives life Because water gives life to everything, it is our responsibility to protect it Theme 3: Scarce Water and Population Growth As population increases, water will become even more scarce in the future. Theme 4: Sharing the Nile The source of the Nile is outside of Egypt and other countries depend on its waters. We must conserve our share of the Nile’s water. Theme 5: Feeding your family in the Future We must conserve water to feed our families in the future. Theme 6: Remember the past - think of the future Remember the past - we had better quality water but water was scarce. Now - we have more water but the water is often poor quality. In the future - we will have less water and the quality will not be good. 31 Communication Channel Recommendations Priority of Communication Channels: TV, Face-to-face, Radio, Kids, Newspapers ! Recommended National TV Channels & Shows Both women and men can be best reached using national television channels (1, 2, 7 and 5). The best hours are after 7:00 p.m in the evening or after Friday’s Quran shows. Women can also be reached during the day. Drama and mini-series (tamsalayaat) are very popular with both men and women and news and farm-related shows are also widely watched. Campaign messages with a religious theme may be more effective if timed to follow the Quran shows. Other television spots should be positioned near the dramas and mini-series. News shows should be approached regarding more irrigation-related news. The farm-related drama and/or information shows could also include water scarcity and water conservation behavior themes and messages. ! Recommended Local TV Channels & Shows Poor reception for most local channels, particularly in Aswan. Channels provided later in the report. ! Face-to-Face Communication Recommendations Males: agricultural cooperative; Females: home-based meetings, Ministry of Social Affairs. ! Radio Recommendations In general, radio is not a popular medium for most of the rural residents interviewed. For those who do listen, both males and females favored the Quran radio shows. A few men and women listen to news and agriculture shows and there were a few women who listen all day. ! Kids A few children were said to read papers and tell the news to their mothers ! Newspapers In most study areas outside of Dumiat, newspapers were not common. In Dumiat, the newspapers mentioned included Gomhuriya, El Akhbar and El Wafd. ! Images Communication images should illustrate positive behavior rather than negative behavior. Whenever possible, women’s involvement in farms (decision-making, field work, crop processing or marketing) should be shown. The images of water which are used can be drawn from those provided by farmers, including the human-like attributes ascribed to water. If new practices are going to be promoted, then the multiple benefits - economic, health, civic pride, religious, etc. - should be communicated. 32 ! Priority Language Since there are variations by region and sometimes by gender, the communication campaign should tailor regional spots by using local words for canals. A-1 APPENDIX A: MAP OF STUDY SITES B-1 APPENDIX B: CONTACT LIST Contact List for El Fayoum, Aswan and Dumiat Governorates El Fayoum Undersecretary of Ministry of Public Works and Water Resources (MPWWR): Engineer Samir Yiaequop Telephone: 084-343137 Irrigation Engineer, Shoras: Engineer Ahmed Ibrahim Telephone: 084-343137; 344936 Irrigation Engineer Engineer Ayman Ahmed Telephone: 084-343137; 344936 Aswan Undersecretary of MPWWR Engineer Khairy Shehata Telephone: 097-480071 home; 303070 Engineer of Irrigation, Aswan Center, Aswan Engineer Hesham Abdelaal Farghly Telephone: 097:302582 work; 702964 home Assistant of the Manager Engineer Khaled Mahdy Telephone: 097-302582 work; 322044 home Assistant of the Manager Engineer Madeh Hussein Telephone: 097-302582 Dumiat General Manager of MPWWR Engineer Mohy El Hlaly Telephone: 057-334109/223108 work; 057-600531 District Engineer of KFR Saad Engineer Magdy El Said Khalil Telephone: 057-600753 APPENDIX C: TRAINING SCHEDULE C-1 Training Schedule - Workshop on Qualitative Research Methods for WCU-Greencom Irrigation Water Use Study (August 14, 15,17, 18, 1996) Wednesday, 14 August 1996 (MPWWR, CAIRO) 9:00-9:05 Opening (Dr. John Woods, GreenCOM) 9:05-9:15 Ice-breaker exercise 9:15-9:30 Participants’ expectations of the workshop 9:30-9:35 Review of training agenda 9:35-9:40 Goals of the research project 9:40-9:50 Research program 9:50-10:05 Overview of participatory rural appraisal and participants’ experience 10:05-10:35 Communication skills (Professor Ali Agwa) 10:35-11:00 Break 11:00-11:30 Quantitative and qualitative research (three handouts) 11:30-11:50 Sampling (one handout) 11:50-12:35 Qualitative research (one handout) - Types - Ethics - Bias 12:35-1:35 Focus group discussions (one handout) 1:35-1:45 Break 1:45-2:45 Focus group discussion -- including role plays 2:45-3:00 Questions and answers Thursday, 15 August 1996 (MPWWR, CAIRO) 9:00-9:15 Review of Day One 9:15-10:45 Review of focus group discussion guide and focus group discussion role plays 10:45-11:00 Break 11:00-11:20 Processing of role plays 11:20-11:35 Gender analysis 11:35-12:15 Individual in-depth interviews and introduction to interview schedules (one handout) 12:15-1:15 Individual in-depth interview role plays 1:15-1:35 Processing of role plays 1:35-1:50 Questions and answers 1:50-2:00 Review Saturday 17 August 1996 (FIELD TRIP TO QALYUBIYA) C-2 C Practice focus group discussions & individual in-depth interviews C Pretest disucssion and interview guides Sunday 18 August 1996 (MPWWR, CAIRO) C Processing field trip C Modifications of discussion and interview guides, as needed C Data analysis discussion (one handout) C Overview of planning, implementation and using qualitative research in communication C Review and oral post-test D-1 APPENDIX D: FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS AND IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS Distribution of Focus Group Discussions by Governorate El Aswan Dumiat Grand Fayoum Total Female 3 3 3 9 Biahmo, Darawa,Kjoj, El-Anina, Kfour El- Nile El-Manshia El-Salam, El-Wastane Male 3 3 2 8 Biahmo, El-Mansoria, El-Anina, Kfour El-Nile Kjoj, El-Salam El-Selsela Distribution of Individual In-Depth Interviews by Governorate Respondent El Fayoum Aswan Dumiat TOTAL Category Male Irrigation 1 2 0 3 Engineer Male Bahar(i) 0 0 2 2 Male Agricultural 1 1 0 2 Engineer Male Omda 1 2 1 4 Male Sheikh 0 0 1 1 El Balad Male Sheik 1 0 1 2 for Mosque Female Teacher 1 1 1 3 Female Outreach 0 1 1 2 Worker Total 5 7 7 19 E-1 APPENDIX E: ENGLISH VERSION OF THE FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION GUIDE FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION GUIDE Make sure you have all information from the cover sheet for each participant (interviewer and moderator, date, village and governorate, age group, first name of participant and her husband and oldest child's name--for women, highest level of education completed, crops grown this year. Ask these questions during the course of the focus group when there is a natural lead in or at the end of the focus group. Introductions Tell about purpose of the discussion--to investigate the subject of irrigation in villages in order to get the ideas of farmers [if it is a woman's group, to get the idea of female farmers because we particularly value their opinions] for the Ministry. The Ministry wants to use the information for planning on the subject of irrigation in villages. All the information that you give us will be confidential. We will not say, "This person said this" to anyone. There are no right or wrong answers. You are the experts on irrigation in your village and we have come to learn from you. Establish Rapport Ask if you may record the group (if yes, then turn on the tape recorder) ! How do people here irrigate their land? Explore differences between irrigation, underground water Use participants' own words and categories in all the following questions. [For Dumiat only: ! Tell us about what you use irrigation water for--other than crops] ! What is the difference between the amount of [irrigation] water in the past--your father's or grandfather's times--and now? ! What do you think is the cause of that difference? ! Are there any other differences between water in the past and now? If yes, can you use water in the same way that your fathers and grandfathers used it? {for women, explore both irrigation water and water for household use} ! What do you think is the cause of the difference? ! What do you think will happen to water in the times of our children and grandchildren? E-2 ! What leads you to believe this? ! [if some or all said] You [or some of you] said that there is a difference in water between the past and now. Because of this difference, are you doing anything different from what your grandfathers {for women, grandmothers} and fathers {for women, mothers} did when they farmed the land? [If yes, what are you doing?] ! [If appropriate] How difficult is this to do? ! How have these changes in what you do affected your life? ! Do your neighbors know you are doing this? ! What has their reaction been? ! Do people ever discuss water? Explore content of the discussions, whether there is tension over water--if so what has happened and how long this went [is going] on, causes of any tension about water, who talks about water with whom [For women: ! What work do you do on the farm? [ask about what they do in relation to watering the fields] ! Are there any crops that you prefer to grow? ! What makes them preferable? ! Are there any crops that you do not like to grow? ! What about them makes you like them less? ! What crops did your family grow this year? ! In your family, who decides which crops to plant each year? How do you know which crops your husband (or other family head) has decided to plant? If you have an idea of something you want to plant, how do you let your husband know? ! What do you do in addition to working on the farm? ! If you compare your life and your work to your mother's and grandmother's lives, has there been any change? [Explore how their lives have changed] E-3 ! [If yes], what do you think some of the causes of this change are? [For example, some of you have been to school. How many grandmothers or mothers went to school?]] [[For men: ! Do any women help you with the farm work? Which women? ! What do they do? What do they do to help with watering the fields? ! In the past, did your mothers and grandmothers help with farm work? ! [If there has been a change in women's work] Some of you mentioned that your wives and/or sisters do not help with farm work, unlike your mothers or grandmothers. What do you think has caused this change?]] ! Who decides which crops to plant in your household? ! How does that person/how do you decide? ! When is the decision made? ! What kind of discussion happens before the decision is made? [explore with whom] ! What kind of knowledge do your wives have about irrigation?] ! What problems with irrigation does your village face? ! What have you done, as a village, to handle these problems? ! Is there anything you can do to prevent these water problems in the future? ! We hear that there is less water and poorer quality water in many villages throughout Egypt. What do you think is happening? ! What do you think the solution is? Explore what they think village can do, they can do, and whomever else they say is responsible for the solution ! Have any of you tried [first mention the techniques mentioned by the group in the previous questions, if not mentioned, ask about]: 1. Watering at night 2. Levelling the land 3. Growing crops that need less water E-4 --for each crop mentioned: which crops are most profitable? which crops are least profitable? Which crops are most convenient for you to grow? In what ways are they convenient? Which crops are least convenient to grow? In what ways are they inconvenient? [If not mentioned, ask about rice and sugar cane if appropriate to the area] 4. Reusing drainage water [for all mentioned by moderator but not tried by participants]--Have you ever heard of anyone who did this? Why would someone do this? What would be likely to happen if someone did this? [for all tried by at least one participant]--How long have you done this? Why did you begin doing this [if relevant, why did you stop doing this]? How did other people react when you did this? [For women:! Where do you get water for your family's use? ! How do you carry it from [use the sources mentioned above] to home? ! Where do you keep it at home? ! What do you use the water for once you get it home? ! How do you get rid of water at home once you have used it? ! How do you use the water you get from outside the house? ! Water in the house costs about how much per month? Are there any problems in paying?] ! Have any of you ever thought about where the Nile begins? ! Are there problems with irrigation water that you would like to bring to the attention of the Ministry of Irrigation in Cairo? ! What would be the best way to get you information about irrigation water [and other relevant categories they mentioned earlier]? Explore: -television? (How often do they watch? What do they watch? How much attention do they pay to what they watch?] -radio (How often do they listen? What do they listen to? What are they usually doing while they listen?) -through their children at school -pamphlets (with pictures for low-literate audiences) -movies -any other method ! What is the name of the irrigation engineer here? ! Do you meet with him? [if yes, how often?] ! What does he know about the situation we were discussing? ! When you meet with him, what do you discuss? E-5 ! What do you think of his advice? ! Have you ever done anything differently after talking with him? [Explore what] ! [If not mentioned earlier] I wonder, if someone told you that there was a scarcity of irrigation water in Egypt, what would you think? ! What word would you use to tell people that Egypt has a scarcity of water? ! What do the words "nodrat il maya irray" mean to you? ! What do the words "ezmit il maya irray" mean to you? ! What do the words "allit il maya irray" mean to you? ! What do the words "shahit il maya irray" mean to you? ! What do the words "naqis il maya irray" mean to you? ! What does "pollution" mean to you? ! Use participants' answers to ask: How would you normally refer to this? [How would you say pollution in the mesqa? in the fields? in the drainage system?] ! What causes pollution in villages? in Egypt as a whole? ! Has there been any change in the level of pollution over the course of your life? Between now and your father's (or grandfather's) time? Thank the participants for cooperating in our study. F-1 APPENDIX F: ENGLISH VERSIONS OF THE IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW GUIDES In-Depth Interview Guide for Agricultural Engineers (English Version) C What kinds of irrigation water exist? C What do you think are the problems with irrigation that Egypt is facing? C In your opinion, what are the causes of Egypt’s current water shortage? C What do you think will happen with these problems in the future? C What is the basis for your beliefs? C In your opinion, what problems with irrigation are faced by your village (where you are working)? C Who discusses water with you? C How did you respond to them? C In your opinion, what is the impact of agricultural liberalization policies on the distribution and management of irrigation water in Egypt? C In your opinion, what is the impact of agricultural technology on irrigation water? C What kind of help have you been able to give to the farmers? C What has the been the reaction of farmers to your help? C What are the circumstances which led to this reaction? C What are extension methods that you can use to handle these problems? C Are these methods available? C What other organizations or people can you cooperate with to handle water problems? In-Depth Interview Guide for Mayors (English Version) C In your opinion, what are the problems which Egypt faces with respect to irrigation water? C What do you think will happen to the irrigation water situation in the future? C What leads you to hold these opinions? C Do people discuss water with you? C How did you respond to them? G-1 APPENDIX G: SUMMARIES OF INDIVIDUAL IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS IRRIGATION ENGINEERS The team conducted in-depth interviews with three district irrigation engineers (two from Aswan and one from El Fayoum). No indepth interviews were conducted with any of the engineers from Dumiat because they were absent from their offices during the four days that the team was in Dumiat. Neither of the two district engineers contacted by the team in Dumiat appeared at the time they and the team had agreed upon for their appointments. Responsibility The engineers described their job responsibilities. All the engineers said that they were responsible for the fair distribution of water in their districts. Two engineers felt that it was their role to try to solve the farmers' irrigation problems and if they failed, to refer the problems to a higher level of responsibility. One engineer said that he was responsible for cleaning the canals of grass in order to ensure equitable distribution of water to all canals and mesqas. With respect to problems, all three engineers felt that the cause of the problems was in all cases the farmers themselves. Relationship with Farmers The Aswani engineers both said they enjoyed a good relationship with the farmers. However, the engineer from El Fayoum said his relationship with farmers was problematic. Relationship with other Ministries All three engineers said that there was no interministerial cooperation. However, there were formal committees on agriculture and on irrigation and the irrigation and agricultural engineers meet at these meetings. One engineer said that there is no communication between him and the agricultural extension worker except in cases of problems or when he needs information. Problems All engineers said that cleaning was a problem. The engineers in Aswan also said that pitching of the canals and sandy canals was a problem. The Fayoumi engineer said that the farmer's tendency to take water illegally by opening the canal gates themselves was a problem. One engineer mentioned that pollution is a problem with irrigation in Egypt. Two engineers said that the fellahin are not aware of the rational use of water. Two engineers complained that fellahin do not receive information on irrigation. One complained about the need for equipment. Two said they wanted training. Reasons for Problems G-2 The engineers blamed the farmers for most of the problems: the farmers insist on doing illegal things such as growing rice and opening the doors of the canal themselves; the farmers are illiterate; the farmers are not aware of how to manage water; the farmers need to clean the mesqa; the farmers irrigate without pumps. The Ministry was also held responsible for lack of equipement for pitching and cleaning. One engineer said that farmers talk to the BAHARI about water problems. Another engineer said that the BAHARI needs to receive incentives to work; therfore he felt that the Ministry should provide monetary incentives to the BAHARI. One engineer said that the BAHARI in his area is illiterate. Another engineer expressed the opinion that the BAHARI can play a role in creating awareness for irrigation issues among the farmers. Although the team was unable to interview any irrigation engineer in Dumiat, farmers in focus groups expressed strongly negative feelings about the BAHARI in their areas. This was not the case in either Aswan or El Fayoum. Engineer's Job and Needs All the engineers expressed frustration with their roles. They believe they are trying to fulfill their job responsibilities, but are misunderstood by the farmers. In addition, all mentioned the need for further training for new engineers. One of the engineers mentioned that the Ministry hires contractors for canal cleaning and maintenance. Information Channels of information proposed by engineers include: television, radio, sheik of the mosque, teachers, informal leaders, bahari, newspapers, themselves. Topics that the engineers felt important to communicate to farmers include: scarcity of water in the future, the impact of international relations on the availability of water in Egypt, and the rational use of water so that land may be reclaimed. G-3 Bahari Initially, the team did not include the Bahari in the in-depth interview sample. However, it became apparent in focus groups, especially in Aswan, that the Bahari was the only MWPW staff member in close contact with farmers. The team therefore decided to interview the Bahari in Dumiat. Interviews were conducted with two Baharis in Dumiat. Bahari The Bahari is an employee of the MWPW who is found at the village level. The team interviewed two Baharis in Dumiat governorate. Responsibilities The Bahari keeps watch over the level of the canals in his area and informs those responsible in the district MWPW. The Bahari takes his orders from the district engineering office. He keeps watch over the canal banks and maintains them. He keeps an eye out for illegal activites regarding irrigation and informs his superiors. He distributes water to the farmers. He informs the engineering office immediately if there is grass that needs to be cleaned from the canals. He also keeps the engineering office informed of the progress of the karaka. People's Reaction to MWPW The Baharis claimed that the people thank the Ministry for delivering water. If there is no water, the Bahari goes to the engineer and tells him to open the doors. The second Bahari said that almost no one complained of water to him. Illegal Activities One Bahari said that at first he talks in a friendly way to farmers who are acting illegally. If this does not work, he reports them. The other Bahari said that he informs the engineer directly. Outreach Both Baharis reported that they went among the farmers to speak to them about irrigation. One gave them helpful pointers on irrigation, while the second Bahari's purpose was primarily to detect illegal irrigation activities. G-4 Outreach to Women Only one of the Baharis reported conducting any outreach activities to women. Relationship with Irrigation Engineer One Bahari sees the irrigation engineer twice a week and in emergencies. The other Bahari says that he only sees the engineer in case of complaints. Both Baharis reported good relationships with the engineer. Relationship with Agricultural Engineer One of the Baharis met and consulted with the agricultural engineer, while the other Bahari said he did not know the agricultural engineer. G-5 AGRICULTURAL ENGINEER The agricultural engineer, unlike the irrigation engineer, is not a graduate of the prestigious faculty of engineering. The agriculture engineer receives a bachelors degree from the faculty of agriculture and is not, strictly speaking, an engineer. The Ministry of Agriculture assigned at least two agricultural engineers to each agricultural cooperative. The agricultural engineer is assigned to a village, whereas the irrigation engineer is assigned to a district. The team interviewed two agricultural engineers, one in El Fayoum and one in Kajoj. Discussion of Irrigation Water One agricultural engineer said that people talk with the MWPW supervisor or with the responsible people in the Ministry. The second agricultural engineer said that he handles small irrigation problems himself. Both engineers reported that people talk about water shortages in their village. They also discuss grass and water lilies clogging the irrigation waterways. Role of the Agricultural Engineer in Irrigation Both engineers collected information on irrigation problems. One engineer used the information to write a report, while the other engineer reported problems directly to the MWPW. Reaction of People to Agricultural Engineer Both said they enjoyed a good relationship with the farmers in their villages. They attributed their success to their ability to respond quickly to the farmers' problems. They are able to send for the irrigation engineer, who comes quickly. Opinion on Irrigation Both engineers were pleased with the state of irrigation in their areas. Farmers' Awareness of Irrigation Issues The two agricutural engineers said that the reason for irrational water use is the regimen of irrigating without pumps. Role of the Agricultural Engineer in Creating Awareness The engineers volunteered to explain to farmers how to irrigate each crop according to each needs. G-6 Suggestions for Channels of Communication Both engineers suggested using seminars. One suggested using television and the other proposed using radio. An engineer said that loudspeakers would be useful. All these methods are available in villages. Suggestions for Help in Communication Both engineers spoke of calling upon ministries and other organizations for help in the campaign: Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Irrigation, local council, agricultural cooperatives, and the sheikh el balad. Future of Irrigation The engineers had different views on the future of irrigation. One said that the water would be sufficient, while the other spoke of the need to rationalize consumpton. Influence of Liberalization Policy [For the past two years farmers have been free, according to national policy, to grow whatever crops they desire. Prior to this time, the Ministry of Agriculture told the farmers which crops to grow on which land.] The two engineers held opposite views on the policy change. The engineer from Aswan was very positive about the change, whereas the Fayoumi engineer seemed to feel that it was a mistake. Influence of Technology on Irrigation Both felt positively about technology and one engineer looked forward to the introduction of new technology into the irrigation system of Egypt. Relationship with Irrigation Engioneer Neither reported having much relationship with the irrigation engineer and did not know their engineers' names. However, they met the irrigation engineers at the meetings of the district irrigation and agriculture committee meetings. FEMALE OUTREACH WORKER The team interviewed two female outreach workers. However, the first was a member of the Ministry of Health and specialized in family planning. She was unaware of any irrigation or G-7 farming subjects and spoke only of family planning. The team, therefore, discarded her interview data. The secound female outreach worker is employed in the Ministry of Social Affairs (MOSA). The MOSA maintains a large cadre of female outreach workers country-wide. These outreach workers are called upon to undertake campaigns on a number of social issues. The outreach worker is from Aswan, and lives in the village she serves. The outreach worker spoke of the problem of grass clogging the irrigation system and preventing water from reaching the fields. She said that she might help by getting the Bahari to open the gates of the canal. She suggested that she might help in the irrigation campaign by organizing seminars and gathering women to attend them. She proposed that the best channels of communication with village women are seminars, television, and pamphlets for those who know how to read. She felt that pictorial materials were unsuccessful because adults did not have a chance to read them; they were attractive to children and the children played with them so that the adults did not have access to them. She felt that women would respond to the campaign. She is in the habit of organizing lectures for women from 10 to 11 in the morning. FEMALE TEACHER The team interviewed three female primary school teachers, one from each of the study governorates. All the teachers lived in the study villages in which they were interviewed. One of the teachers was a college graduate, the others were high school graduates. Change in Women's Lives The three teachers felt differently about changes in women's lives from the past: one said that nothing had changed. A teacher living in Upper Egypt maintained that women in the past worked only in the house, whereas now they go to the fields to farm. The third teacher said that women in the past worked more in the fields than women do today. Quantity of Water The teachers' responses about the quantity of water curently available in their areas also varied. One teacher said that she could not compare the amount of water available today to the amount of the past. A teacher from Dumiat said that the water was less than previously and the teacher from El Fayoum said that the water was more than in the past. Water as a Topic of Women's Conversation Two of the teachers (in El Fayoum and Dumiat) reported that women talk about water. These teachers commented that if the woman is educated, she sends complaints. The Aswani teacher said that women did not talk about water. G-8 Water and School Children Rural Egyptian children learn about water through science and other activities in schools. All of the teachers said that the topic of water must be included in the curriculum of Egptian primary school children. One of the teachers explained that conservation and rational use of water should be included in the curriculum. Another teacher says that she talks to the children on the importance of water. The third teacher placed water in the context of the environment. Communication Channels Two people said that television was the best way to reach villagers. One said that the Immam of the mosque was a good person to communicate with farmers. Another said that the school director could be enlisted to help with a communication campaign. One teacher suggested the head of the local village council. A teacher mentioned "opinion leaders" but did not specify who these were. Another suggestion included teachers and older family members. Seminars could be used. Women's Education All of the teachers said that the percentage of girls educated is far more than boys. The percentage of girls educated is very high until after junior high school graduation, said one teacher. The Teacher's Role in a Water Campaign All three teachers said that a campaign could include schools. Two added that parents' councils could also play a role. [Parents' councils are voluntary organizations. The paarents meet once a month to discuss school issues and childrens' programs]. H-1 APPENDIX H: IRRIGATION SYSTEM WITH ARABIC TERMS WATER SAVING TECHNIQUES – LESSONS LEARNED FROM IRRIGATION OF AGRICULTURAL LAND IN EGYPT by Dr Dia El Din El Quosy1 and Dr Tarek A. Ahmed2 www.icid.org/hassan_2001.pdf Abstract A population growth running at an annual rate of two percent or more is facing Egypt with a challenge to produce its necessary food and natural fiber. Overcoming this challenge is viewed through the reclamation of desert lands, which is, again, encountered by an increasingly growing water scarcity. This is due to the country’s limited share of Nile water, the non-renewability of fossil groundwater in addition to rainfall scarcity. To satisfy water requirements for reclamation activities, the promotion of water supply management was previously adopted. It is additionally deemed necessary to enhance an approach that implies a revision of wasteful water use countrywide. This step constitutes the cornerstone of a consequent water conservation program to be applied in Egypt on a national scale. In the same context, this paper reviews water saving measures vis-à-vis land reclamation endeavors in Egypt. The suitability of locally adopted water conservation techniques is investigated in the light of the irrigation system’s characteristics. Attributed implications of different techniques are also highlighted and assessed according to technical and economic ramifications. Lessons are drawn from scrutinizing alternative measures aiming to promote the availability of water in the Egyptian irrigation sector. It is concluded that an amalgamation of different inducements of water demand control may be required for conceiving a comprehensive strategy to economize on irrigation water as dictated by local needs and priorities. Introduction Due to the increasingly constrained water resources, reconsideration of irrigation policies is taking place in water-short countries, among which Egypt is no exception. A review of the management techniques adopted in Egypt is deemed necessary for ensuring an efficient resource use that bear on how to more closely satisfy the country’s goals. The current research probes the potential for strengthening the country’s resolve to reclaim desert lands through a conservation approach that increases water availability countrywide. The objective is to assess the appropriateness of national land reclamation plans in the light of the increase in water availability achieved through the water saving measures adopted in Egypt. Lessons drawn from the Egyptian experience in this regard are expected to constitute the basis for developing a water use strategy that recognizes the growing scarcity of water in the country. Attributes of Egypt’s Water and Land Resources In arid and semi-arid countries, including Egypt, agriculture depends mainly on irrigation. According to the Egyptian regime, irrigation water is abstracted from a canal network originally offtaking from the Nile River. Water accumulating in aquifers and drains as a result of irrigation processes constitutes an additional, however relatively minor, resource for irrigation. The country’s share of water is limited by the 1959 agreement between Egypt and Sudan to 55.5 billion m3 per year. In 1995, the country’s full share of Nile water was abstracted to satisfy diverse requirements of “Old Lands” in the Nile Valley and Delta as well as reclamation needs for “New Lands” in the desert fringes of the floodplain. It is therefore anticipated that satisfying extra water requirements due to increased consumption of the growing population and/or further reclamation of new lands will necessitate increasing current rates of water supply and/or reducing actual patterns of water demand. 1 Head of the Horizontal Expansion Sector, Deputy Chairman of the National Water Research Center and Director of the Water Management Research Institute, Ministry of Public Works and Water Resources. 2 Researcher, Water Management Research Institute, National Water Research Institute, National Water Research Center, Ministry of Public works and Water Resources. As for the country’s land resources, it is estimated that the area of agricultural land totals 7.8 million Feddans, mostly in the Nile Valley and Delta, while that occupied by urban and rural societies amounts to 4.7 million Feddans. These areas constitute five percent of the country’s territory estimated at 238 million Feddans. The rest is considered desert land that is hardly exploited or inhabited. On the other hand, an area of 25,000 to 30,000 Feddans is considered lost annually to agricultural land in Egypt as a result of urban encroachment. This takes place despite several local constraints restricting the switch of old land use from agriculture to alternative purposes. To achieve the country’s development goals in the light of the increasingly fading water and land resources, decision makers at the Ministry of Public Works and Water Resources (MPWWR) are put in a dilemma as to whether to: 1. abolish constraints on agricultural land use, allowing an urban expansion at the expense of agriculture and saving irrigation water for alternative uses, such as industry, recreation, domestic use, etc., or 2. proceed with desert reclamation, taking into account the need for promoting the availability of water to satisfy requirements of the growing population in addition to those of actual and projected agricultural areas. Analysis of Proposed Approaches to Remedying Resource Scarcity It is noted that abolishing constraints on agricultural land use will result in losing the Nile floodplain as one of the most fertile soils that may hardly be considered of any use but agriculture. The value of this soil should therefore be quantified and taken into account if the typically agricultural land in the vicinity of the Nile is considered for alternative uses. In addition, due to the poverty of most farmers (more than 95 percent of the local farmers own less than five Feddans of land), it is believed that taking water from agriculture increases rather than alleviates poverty (Frederiksen, 1996). Finally, because agriculture accounts for about 36 percent of employment in Egypt, the scenario implying agriculture curtailment will be coupled with a resulting idleness of farmers. This will consequently necessitate securing alternative jobs for a mostly illiterate and technically unskilled labor force. As for attempts to increase water availability, a review of the Egyptian experience in this regard shows that the potential for promoting the Nile supply system has been thoroughly tapped through external (i.e. outside the country) and internal measures. External improvements concentrate mainly on conservation schemes to reduce losses from evaporation and transpiration of the Upper Nile reaches. For example, Jonglei Canal project, planned to bypass swamps in Southern Sudan, aims at increasing the Nile water share of both Egypt and Sudan by 2 billion m3 each. In the light of the rainfall scarcity and non-renewability of fossil groundwater, the internal supply system of Egypt is developed through several measures including the improvement and maintenance of control structures and distribution networks of surface water and the promotion of groundwater abstraction to the aquifers’ safe yield limits. In view of the above, horizontal expansion is deemed necessary for counterbalancing the loss in agricultural land mindful of a population growing at an annual rate of two percent or more and raising a challenge to produce necessary food and natural fiber. Concurrently, in the light of an almost fully exploited source of water, the Nile, a water management approach that neither takes water requirements as given nor exclusively concentrates on finding new resources to meet them is considered crucial for sustaining the “leaving old land” scenario. It is additionally believed that a conservation (or demand management) approach is generally preferred to working out new water supplies for being able to rise levels of consumption to be met using less investments (FAO, 1995). In addition to their role in strengthening reclamation endeavors, Nile water savings are viewed as a means of avoiding frustration to the promotion of Egypt’s main source of water through an adoption of various measures that aim at reducing water waste and losses. Promoting Water Availability through Recycling To get the maximum benefit from Egypt’s available water sources, a recycling approach is considered by the MPWWR when planning and operating local water systems. In this context, the pursued measures include (Chitale, 1997): • Reuse of 0.4 billion m3 of treated municipal wastewater. • Reuse of 0.4 billion m3 of industrial waste. • Reuse of drainage water to the extent of 4.5 billion m3. • Reuse of groundwater to the extent of 3.8 billion m3 (from recharge by irrigation to the closed aquifer underlying the Nile Valley and Delta). These measures add a total of 9.1 billion m3 or a little more than 16 percent to its available surface water supply of 55.5 billion m3 and groundwater of 0.7 billion m3. Egypt aims at stepping up the augmentation to 16.7 billion m3 by the year 2010 when it will also have added a desalinated quantity of 0.5 billion m3 , i.e. to reach a level more than 28 percent of its natural resources of 58.7 billion m3 likely to be available by then. Details of the reuse-source vis-à-vis the water supply are delineated in table 1. Table 1. Volume of Reuse-Source vis-à-vis Water Supply in Egypt Current (billion m3) Projected for 2010 (billion m3) Municipal wastewater 0.4 1.6 Industrial effluent 0.4 1.8 Desalinated N/A 0.5 Drainage water 4.5 7.0 Groundwater (Reuse) 3.8 5.8 REUSE - SOURCE TOTAL of reuse-source 9.1 16.7 Nile River 55.5 57.5 Groundwater 0.7 1.2 SUPPLY TOTAL of supply 56.2 58.7 Augmentation % 16 28 Source: Chitale, 1997. Penalizing Excessive Cultivation of High Water Consuming Crops Another approach to economizing on irrigation water implies cutting back on crops of high water consumption. The application of this approach is underway in Egypt through imposing financial penalties on farmers for excessive cultivation of rice and sugar cane. Despite the free delivery of irrigation water to farmers, which is a fixed policy of the MPWWR, a valuation of Nile water supplies to agricultural fields is deemed necessary for determining the value of due penalties. The economic value of local water diversions for irrigation purposes includes the operation, maintenance and replacement costs (OM&R), the opportunity cost (or economic price) resulting from the limited availability of water, and the sunk costs of existing infrastructure (Ahmed, 1995). OM&R value is averaged over different approaches to calculate the Nile system cost at LE 0.03/m3 of water (WSP, 1993). This cost is primarily incurred by the Egyptian Government to maintain irrigation and drainage services and is subsequently recuperated from local beneficiaries. As for the opportunity cost, it is noted that this value is taken into account only in the case of short water supply. In such case, the opportunity cost of water may be rated at LE 0.07/m3, thus bringing the cost of water to a total of LE 0.10/m3 (Ahmed, 1998). Farmers cultivating high water consuming crops in areas beyond those licensed by the MPWWR are likely to be penalized by paying the full cost of water supplies to non-licensed areas. Finally, it is estimated that carrying out a reduction in rice and sugar cane areas while satisfying the local consumption demand of both crops will result in water savings of up to 4.7 billion m3. Practicing Less Fresh Water Consuming Irrigation In the context of enhancing the water conservation approach adopted by the MPWWR, farmers are introduced with new irrigation practices that aim at reducing the consumption of fresh water in agriculture. These practices include: - Promotion of night storage: Because it is difficult to expect that farmers can be obliged to irrigate at night, particularly during the winter months, the design of irrigation systems is modified to provide the maximum feasible degree of night storage. If sufficient storage cannot be provided within an irrigation block, the alternative options include: i) allowing spillage to the drains at night and reusing this excess water, or ii) making adjustments at the head so as to reduce the discharge at night. - Increasing the supplementation of water supplies: Water supplies at canal command level are supplemented, where feasible and appropriate, by means of formal drainage reuse schemes, groundwater development and desalinated water. The main application of local formal drainage reuse schemes for supplemental irrigation is in El Salam Canal, carrying water to Sinai. Groundwater is developed as a means of relieving local water shortages particularly in the Nile Valley and in the Upper fringes of the Delta. The use of desalinated water is developed in the coastal regions mainly to supplement reclamation projects by the North Western coast. - Introduction of short age varieties of crops: Many high water consuming crops are currently replaced with new varieties of shorter age. This include the cultivation of short age varieties of rice that may last down to 100 days compared to 180 days attributed to traditional varieties. The objective is to reduce the exposure time of water ponds, associated with rice cultivation, to evaporation. In addition, this approach will eventually allow the cultivation of two crops per season, thus doubling the production of rice. - Land leveling: Laser technologies are increasingly being used for a precise leveling of agricultural land. The objective is to prevent the formation of water ponds resulting from irrigation processes, thus reducing water evaporation. - Miscellaneous improvement measures: These measures are introduced in the Egyptian irrigation system to ensure good operational and hydraulic efficiencies. They include controlling losses from the distribution system, rehabilitating canals and structures, raising low level mesqas and using modern irrigation systems in new lands. Market and Non-Market Water Saving Inducements The market-based water conservation generally refers to using the incentive principle for encouraging farmers to practice less water consuming agriculture. Incentives can entail drawing on the economic value of water to induce farmers to adopt conservation measures. Few experiences of irrigation water pricing have been carried out worldwide (e.g. the San Joaquin Valley in California, USA) with varying indicators of success. However, the Egyptian Government’s attitude against irrigation water pricing is supported by several technical reasons, including: v The generally small ownership of agricultural land in the Nile Valley and Delta, which renders the issue of metering water supplies to a large number of small farms rather impractical. v It is not expected that the high overall efficiency of the Nile irrigation system will be significantly improved as a result of water pricing. This is due to the fact that most water that is lost via canal/drain seepage or from irrigation application onto agriculture fields replenish the underlying closed aquifer, and can subsequently be retrieved by pumping devices. Moreover, water drained from agricultural lands in the Nile Valley is routed back into downstream reaches of the Nile. v Water pricing will have insignificant impact in parts of the Nile catchment where soil has a physical structure that allows the cultivation of specific crops only, thus decreasing the opportunity to consider alternative cropping decisions. For example, the poorly drained soils in the northern parts of the Delta are considered suitable for flooded crops only, such as rice and berseem, being rather inconvenient for alternative crops (Ahmed, 1998). Non-market water saving inducements include exhortation and education in addition to regulation on water supplies. The latter may include reallocation to less water crops or to more necessary urban purposes. According to the Egyptian experience, the Central Directorate for Water Distribution at the MPWWR is responsible for regulating on water supplies in case of emergencies, e.g. inadequacy of Lake Nasser contents to satisfy diverse water requirements. Regulation on water supplies cannot therefore be considered a sustainable conservation technique that would yield permanent water savings. On the other hand, exhortation and education are practiced through the Water Communication Unit of the MPWWR to promote individual awareness of the importance of water saving measures. As a result of education and exhortation, the formation of local Water Use Association (WUA) is underway to enable a better control over water distribution. Although the WUA experience in Egypt is fairly juvenile, it has a considerable potential for organizing regular maintenance and resolving conflicts (El-Zanaty & Associates, 1998). No quantifiable results of water saving due to non-market inducements are yet available. Egypt’s Resolve to Reclaim New Lands The best alternative use of irrigation new supplies resulting from the depicted conservation approach is envisaged through one of the following courses of action: • Increasing irrigation quantities on existing cropping patterns, which implies diverting more water to the current patterns in order to obtain maximum yields. • Changing cropping patterns to more water consuming crops. • Reclaiming desert lands and maintaining the current profile of cropping patterns in the traditionally cultivated alluvial lands. Scrutinizing these alternatives would reflect the fact that increased irrigation quantities are unlikely to generate improved crop yields because the heavy clay soils of the old land are generally overirrigated. Moreover, changing cropping patterns to more water consuming crops is in a collision course with the principle of water conservation. On the other hand, desert reclamation is viewed by local experts and decision makers as an ideal alternative that will bring about optimum benefits of water savings achieved in the light of the country’s need for both “food” and “space”. Desert reclamation has increasingly been considered in the context of strategic development since 1952. Starting from 1997, the MPWWR has launched two reclamation plans of short and long-term scopes. The short-term plan 1997-2002, delineated in table 2, implies the reclamation of 1.2 million Feddans remaining from previous five-year plans. Having a longer time span (up to the year 2017), the second plan aims at completing reclamation of a total area of 3.4 million Feddans of which 2.55 million Feddans are planned for reclamation using surface water, reused drainage water and treated sewage. Details of these areas and attributed water resources are shown in table 3. Water requirements of reclamation areas may be calculated according to evapotranspiration rates recorded in different reclamation regions. Accordingly, averaging records of evapotranspiration results in an annual water requirement in the range of 8,000-10,000 m3/Feddan, including a leaching requirement estimated at 20 percent of the total water requirement. Taking 9,000 m3 as an average value of water required per reclaimed Feddan and assuming a net area of 90 percent of the gross reclamation area, it is estimated that some 20.7 billion m3 of water are required to satisfy the gross 2.55 million Feddans projected for reclamation using Nile originated water. Excluding potential desalinated water, previous sections of the current study showed that a total amount of 20.9 billion m3 could be saved through recycling of water and penalizing the cultivation of high water consuming crops, which is deemed an adequate amount for covering the depicted reclamation requirements. Discussion and Conclusions The present research brings into focus water saving techniques adopted to promote water availability in Egypt. In addition to avoid frustration to the development of the country’s sources of water supply, the objective of the conservation approach is to allow carrying out desert reclamation plans. The latter are identified as a means of alleviating population intensity in the Nile Valley and Delta as well as bridging the gap between food production and population growth. The study showed that saving irrigation water through cutting back on agriculture provides no practical solution to the issue of country development. This is because of small land properties and the dependence of a large sector of Egyptian workers on agriculture as their only opportunity for employment. Because studying the potential for augmenting water supplies was almost exhausted in previous research endeavors, water conservation is viewed a new promising approach to promoting water availability. In this context, reviewing several measures of water conservation in Egypt resulted in a possible saving of 20.9 billion m3 (excluding a 0.5 billion m3 of potential desalinated water) through recycling of water and penalizing the cultivation of high water consuming crops. This water amount is deemed satisfactory for covering the requirements of a gross area of 2.55 million Feddans planned for reclamation using Nile originated water. The unique characteristics that typify the Egyptian agricultural system necessitate tailoring a special water conservation system to suit local conditions. A plain replication of international water saving experiences that imply water pricing may be unfavorable in the light of technical and political hindrances against the application of irrigation water pricing in Egypt. A conservation approach is alternatively required to offset the absence of full market forces through amalgamating suitable water saving measures in an integrated conservation policy that recognizes the growing scarcity of water without upsetting diverse local concerns. It is recommended that further researches be carried out for conceiving the best approach to be adopted in this regard. References Ahmed, T.A. (1995) “The Development of a Systematised Decision Process for optimizing Water Allocation Plans in Egypt”, PhD Thesis, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, University of Southampton, U.K. Ahmed, T.A. (1998) “Worth of Rice Cultivation in the Nile Delta”, Paper presented at the 24th WEDC conference, Islamabad, Pakistan. Chitale, M.A. (1997) “The Watsave Scenario”, ICID publication, New Delhi, India. El-Zanaty & Associates (1998) “Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices of Egyptian Farmers Towards Water Resources”, A National Survey for GreenCom Egypt III of the Water Policy Reform Program, Agricultural Policy Reform Project and United States Agency for International Development, in collaboration with Water Communication Unit, Ministry of Public Works and Water Resources. FAO (1995) “Reforming Water Resources Policy: A Guide to Methods, Processes and Practices”, FAO Irrigation and Drainage Paper, Rome, Italy. Frederiksen, Harald D. (1996) “Water Crisis in Developing World: Misconceptions about Solutions”, Journal of Water Resources Planning and Management, March/April. WS-Water Security Project (1993) “The Nile Economic Model (NILECON)”, Annex, G. Kutcher, USA. Table 2. Projected Reclamation Areas up to 2002 (1000 Feddans) Region Projected Reclamation Areas Reclaimed Areas Areas under Reclamation Remarks El Salam/Sinai 620 75 545 East Delta 517.5 193 324.5 Middle Delta 124 51 73 West Delta 686 372 314 Middle Egypt 96.5 60 36.5 Upper Egypt 135.6 64 71.6 TOTAL 2179.6 815 1364.6 of which 148 have already been reclaimed away from the Government plan Table 3. Projected Reclamation Areas up to 2017 (1000 Feddans) Water Resources Land Areas in Million Feddans Land Location Surface Water and Reused Drainage Water 1.2 0.5 0.55 0.05 2.3 • Achieved through previous plans • Toshka Project in the South of Egypt • Upper Egypt • West Delta Groundwater in Western Desert and Sinai 0.5 0.1 0.6 • Western Oases, East Oweinat and Darb El Arbain • Sinai Treated Sewage Water in Greater Cairo and Alexandria 0.2 0.05 0.25 • Areas between Ismailia and Suez Desert Roads, in addition to areas surrounding the southern part of Alexandria Desert Road up to Sadat City • Green belt around South Borg El Arab city Water Yield from Jonglei Canal 0.25 0.25 • Middle Sinai TOTAL 3.4 1 WATER AVAILABILITY AND CONSERVATION IN SUDAN Ahmed Adam Ibrahim1 & Salih Hamad Hamid2 1. INTRODUCTION Water conservation programs in Sudan are necessitated by the fact that Sudan is already categorized to be one of the African countries suffering water scarcity problems (850- 1275/m3/cap). A condition, which seriously threatens the future of the coming generations under the current relatively high growth rate (2.8%). Overarching policies have been formulated, mainly focussing on sustainability of water resources development through first: the encouragement of more efficient use of the available water to boost the agricultural production in a way to enhance the welfare of farmers and consumers. Second: increasing water availability through the conjunctive use of ground water and water conservation programs. Third: protecting the natural water resources to ensure their use in an environment friendly manner. As the country depends largely on the waters coming from outside its borders, basin wide water resources development is necessary. The Sudan national water policy recognizes the scarcity of water resources confronting all the sub-basin states and the consequent necessity for basin wide cooperation to develop and conserve the shared water resources. This paper addresses water resources availability and utilization issues in the Sudan, and highlights the current efforts to conserve water to maximize its productivity. 2. WATER RESOURCES AVAILABILITY Local precipitation, surface flow coming from across the borders and ground water are the only type of water resources in Sudan. The main topographic and climatic characteristics that govern the nature of these water resources are the following (Ibrahim 1997)): (1) The continental climate, with mean annual rainfall gradually decreasing from about 1400 mm in the southwestern borders to almost zero in the northern parts of the country (Sahara desert); (2) The river Nile and its tributaries traversing the country from south to north; (3) The topography dividing the country into three distinct drainage systems; inland system, Red Sea system and Lake Chad system, occupying 92.3%, 4.3% and 3.4% of the area of the Sudan respectively; and (4) Scattered water bearing aquifers, under not more than 60% of the area of the country. 2.1 Rainfall The normal amount of rainfall in the Sudan is estimated by about 1050 km3 (Adam et al 1999). As is the case for the annual precipitation rates, the rainy season also decreases from about 260 days in the south to few days in the north. Accordingly, Sudan is divided into seven climatic zones ranging from the tropical super humid to the desert characteristics. It is worth noting here that about 65% of the country falls under continuously water deficit climatic zones which include desert, semi-desert, dry and semi-dry zones, (fig. 1). 1 Associate Research Prof.Dr. Head of Water Resources Unit, Hydraulic Research Station, (HRS), P.O.Box 318, Wad Medani, Sudan. E-mail: sncid_Sudan@hotmail or hrs_sudan@hotmail Fax: 249-511-42255. 2 Associate Research Prof, SNCID Secretary, Hydraulic Research Station, (HRS), P.O.Box 318, Wad Medani, Sudan. E-mail: sncid_Sudan@hotmail or hrs_sudan@hotmail Fax: 249-511-42255. 2 It is also worth mentioning that clear decreasing trends of the annual rainfall in the different climatic zones are shown in the last seven decades (Ibrahim 1997). The reduction being more significant in the semi-dry and semi-humid climatic zones. This has reduced the reliable rainfed agriculture zone to less than one fifth of the area. 2.2 Surface Water Surface water resources are of two origins: (a) Water coming from across the border represents 77% of the total annual renewable water resources. These border crossing water resources are the following: • the Nile basin system contributing about 20.55 km3 as restricted by the 1959 Nile Water Agreement; and • the Non-Nilotic seasonal streams, namely: Gash and Baraka rivers which contribute about 1.2 and 0.8 km3/year respectively on an average. (b) Inland generated surface runoff, which is estimated by about 47.9 km3/year (only 4.6% of the normal annual rainfall). Almost 80% of the surface runoff generated within the inland drainage system is lost through evaporation in the Sudd area (White Nile System). The remaining 20% is mostly lost in the form of infiltration and ground water recharge under sand dunes and the loose soils of the northern parts of the country. 2.3 Ground Water Ground water is estimated by about 560 km3, with an annual recharge of about 1.6 km3. Reasonable water bearing aquifers are found at considerable depths below the ground surface (25-400 m), and mostly in remote areas of the Sudan. Nevertheless, ground water is one of the most important water resources in the country, contributing to about 80% of the present Fig .1 : Percentage of Rainfall on the Different Climate Zones in the Sudan 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 Desert Semi-desert Arid Semi-arid Semi-humid Humid very humid Climate Zone %age of Area or Rainfall %age of area %age of rainfall 3 domestic water needs, and almost all the prospective agricultural developments in the areas far from the reach of the Nile waters. 3. WATER UTILIZATION Recent reports (Ibrahim 1997) & (IGAD 1999) have shown that Sudan falls among the countries that suffer water scarcity in Africa (850-1275 m3/cap.). Moreover the latest census has revealed a relatively high average growth rate (about 2.8%), which implies that Sudan population will double within the coming few decades. Thus, the limited water resources of the Sudan need to be carefully managed in order to attain to efficient and sustainable management levels that comply with the diverse needs e.g. domestic, agriculture, industry, recreation, navigation, …etc. The present water consumption is about 16 km3, about 90% of which is contributed by the Nile system. The future needs are targeted to reach some 30 km3 by the year 2010 (Ibrahim 1997) Table (1). However, irrigated agriculture has shown to continuously consume far more than 90% of the tangible water resources. Thus, all national and/or regional water conservation programs must focus on the irrigation sector. The targeted goals however are obstructed by the seasonal variability patterns of the tangible water resources, namely: • Flows of the Nile system which fluctuate between about 6 million m3/day in April to about 700 million m3/day in August. A condition which can only be overcome by sufficient storage. • High coefficient of variation of the annual rainfall, which increases from about 13% in the tropical super humid zone to more than 80% in the desert zone. Table 1. Present Use and Future Needs of Water Resources Consumption Sector Present Use Km3 Future Need Km3 (1) Domestic (2) Industrial Sub-total (3) Agriculture Nilotic Non-nilotic Ground water Sub-total 0.78 0.15 0.93 14.0 0.70 0.40 15.10 1.50 1.00 2.50 24.20 2.60 1.0* 27.80* Grand Total: 16.00 30.30* *Subject to groundwater studies Source:“Sudan Water Resources Assessment” A.A. Ibrahim, 1997. 3.1 Overarching Policy Principles and Objectives Out of the 12 overarching principles and objectives which ultimately discharge into conservation of water resources in terms of sustainable water resources development and management, the following may be recited (Sudan, National Water Policy 2000): (1) water is a scarce and valuable commodity which has to be adequately, economically and efficiently used; (2) all water, including surface and ground water, form part of the hydrological system and should be managed in an integrated manner; 4 (3) the development of water resources will be undertaken in order to maximize its benefits in the public interest whilst ensuring minimum adverse impact on the environment; (4) water and water related issues are an integral part of a wider economic domain and have direct effects on many other sectors which require interdepartmental and intersectoral communication and cooperation; (5) the environment needs to be protected in order to ensure sustainable utilisation for present and future generations; (6) public institutional arrangements at federal and state levels should be integrated, accessible, efficient and transparent whilst avoiding duplication of function and responsibilities. Additionally, there are policies and objectives that focus on the public awareness and stakeholders participation in the development and management of water resources in a sustainable and environmental friendly. 3.2 Existing Legislations As legislation is the most important tool for driving the Government policies, Sudan has experienced legislation in water resources since 1928 (resolutions of Gash delta and Tokar Act of 1928). Since then, and prior to 1922 there was fragment development of legislations in the different water resources sectors (ElMufti 1999).. After the resolution of the national comprehensive strategy of 1992, the Water Resources Act of 1995 has been in effect. The act mainly states the following points: (1) the ultimate statal sovereignty on water resources and the equal right on the utilisation of water; (2) giving the Ministry of Irrigation and Water Resources (MOIWR) overwhelming authority on water resources sector; and (3) establishment of the National Council for Water Resources (NCWR), by a resolution of the president of the republic to be chaired by the Minister of MOIWR. The NCWR mainly addressed to draw the broad lines for the development and management of water resources through scientifically sound driving tools, taking the sustainability of these resources as a top most goal. 3.3 Water Conservation Related Institutions As mentioned above, the seasonality pattern of the tangible water resources emphasises the integration of all organizations and institutions working in the diverse sectors of water resources, in order to ensure efficient and effective use of these resources. The Hydraulic Research Station (HRS) of the Ministry of Irrigation and Water Resources and the Agricultural Research Corporation (ARC) are the main institutions working in the field of water conservation. The two institutions happened to collaborate in most of the interrelated research studies. The broad objectives of the two institutions are the following: a. HRS: to attain sustainable water resources management level through the appropriate research activities that serve the national economic, environmental and social requirements; b. ARC: to maximize the production, improve the quality and to reduce the agricultural production cost. 5 In the field of water management, procedures being generally followed by the two institutions, are as follows: • Implementation of the relevant scientific approaches for water resources assessment and allocation; • improvement of on-farm water use efficiency for the existing irrigation projects. A conservation of about 500 Million m3 is expected if attended irrigation method is perfectly adopted for sorghum and groundnut crops in the Gezira irrigation scheme (Ibrahim 1992), and a conservation of about 600 Mm3 is expected if 3 weeks irrigation interval instead of 2 weeks is applied to cotton in the period October to February in the Gezira (El Awad, 2000); • Reduced system losses and/or adoption of higher efficiency irrigation methods, such as sprinkler and drip irrigation methods; • Application of relevant water harvesting techniques and supplementary irrigation methods in the non-reliable rainfed regions (ARC 1993/94, 1994/95); and • Adoption of the most appropriate reservoir operation methods that conserve the storage capacity. 4. IRRIGATION WATER CONSUMPTION Modern irrigation technology was introduced in the Sudan by the colonial power in 1907 (Zeidab pump scheme: 670 ha), solely for the commercial production of cotton, which was needed to solve the problem of supplies of raw material to the textile industry at the occupiers home country, and simultaneously to provide revenue for the foreign administration of the Sudan region (Fadl 1984 and Yousif 1992). Over the following decades deep political, administrative and social changes occurred, such that diversification and intensification were conducted with expanding irrigation projects; bringing the total irrigated area to about 1.8 million ha, in late 1970th. Areas and crops of the main irrigation schemes are shown in Table 2. Table 2. Main Irrigation Schemes Areas & Crops Scheme Sources of Water Operation Date Area 103 ha Main Crop Gezira & Managil Blue Nile 1925 925 Cotton, Groundnut, Sorghum, Wheat El Guneid Blue Nile 1961 16 Sugarcane Atbara River 1964 168 Cotton, Groundnut, Sorghum, Wheat New Halfa - A New Halfa - B Atbara River 1964 17 Sugarcane Es Suki Blue Nile 1971 38 Cotton, Sorghum, Groundnut North West Sennar 1974 13 Sugarcane Kenana White Nile 1976 38 Sugarcane Asalaya White Nile 1977 15 Sugarcane Rahad Blue Nile 1979 126 Cotton, Groundnut, Sorghum, Wheat Total 1356 A direct result of the vast increase in irrigation projects was ultimate increase of the irrigation water consumption to account for about 94% of the current consumptive use of water in the Sudan, and to remain more than 90% of the targeted consumptive use in the near future 6 (Table 1). This is due to the fact that irrigated agriculture accounts for 50% of the total agricultural output, though it represents only 20% of the annual cropped area. The variability of rainfall in most of country is behind the extremely small and non-stable contribution of rainfed areas. It is worth mentioning here that: (1) More than 97% of the irrigated areas fall within the Sudan Central Clay Plain, which is known for its negligible water losses through deep percolation, thus: • subsoil moisture fluctuations under cropped fields are confined within the root zone (Ibrahim et al 1999). • On-farm water use efficiency is governed by the irrigation practices and any amount of water left on the surface will be lost as free surface evaporation. • No canal lining is ever needed, and the conveyance losses are also limited to the evaporation processes. (2) A combination of short furrow and basin irrigation method is commonly used in Sudanese irrigated agriculture. The technique is unique to Sudanese agriculture. However, the long furrow method is being adopted in the sugarcane schemes. (3) National schemes comprise about 70% of the Sudanese irrigated area. Thus the national irrigation schemes must be addressed if saving and/or conservation of water is concerned. A good example in this respect is the Gezira irrigation scheme (0.925 million ha) which almost consumes 50% of the irrigation water of the Sudan. Savings of only 25% of the Gezira water could enable the development of extra 130000 ha. 5. WATER CONSERVATION IN THE SUDANESE IRRIGATED AGRICULTURE Almost 70% of the irrigated areas are served from the Blue Nile Waters which is known by its high variability. Large storage facilities are therefore necessary to ensure a smooth water supply throughout the different hydrologic seasons. However, and due to the limited storage sites, the existing storage capacity on the Blue Nile is only 29% of the system’s total crop requirement. Thus the irrigation requirements in the Blue Nile system are usually met by supplementing the river natural inflows. The problem arises in drought years or even in abnormal years when the recession flow curves fall below the normal, thus leading to early withdrawal from the storage, which could be completely exploited midway before the following flood and subsequent shut-off of the main hydropower station in the country. Consequently, the irrigation authorities are obliged to implement a water conservation policy aiming at optimizing the use of the available water, together with the decision on: • Whether to reduce cropped areas, or • Whether to allocate the available water for the full command area, with high possibility of shutting-off the main hydropower station in the middle of the dry season. During the last two decades, the Blue Nile irrigation system has experienced two distinct hydrological years, namely 1984/85 and 1995/96 seasons. In the former, the river flow was at the lowest record during the last 50 years, while in the later, although the river flood was not significantly lower than the average, the recession flow curve was abnormally lower than all expectations. The decisions to cope with the problem of water supplies in both cases were completely different. In 1984/85 dry season, a traditional decision of restricting the irrigated area to a 7 portion of the command area was taken. A direct result was the abundance of over 100,000 ha already planned to be cropped with wheat in the Gezira Scheme alone. However, in 1995/96 season, and under the pressing needs to keep the main hydropower station operating at least at its minimum generating capacity during the dry season, as well as optimizing the food grain production, a well designed and implemented water conservation policy was enforced. A High Committee for the Best Utilization of the Blue Nile Waters has been formed. It is an inter-disciplinary technical committee in which water users of different sectors are represented. The high committee is answerable to a high Ministerial Committee. Scheme level committees comprised of irrigation Engineers, agricultural officers and farmers leaders to ensure their full participation are also set up. Water is released from the system to each scheme according to its actual crop water requirements to be distributed under close supervision of the scheme level committees. To guess the success of that policy, one example is given below in which the productivity of water use in one of the Blue Nile irrigated schemes is increased by 68% compared to the previous year. This is achieved while water saving amounted to 14% in one of the main crops which are sown and harvested under the 1995/96 water conservation policy.(Table 3). Table 3. Productivity & Water Savings Rahad Scheme Season 1994-95 & 1995-96 Season 1994-95 1995-96 Area (feddan) Cotton Wheat Water Use in Million m3/feddan Cotton Wheat Productivity of Water Use Kg/m3 Cotton Wheat %age Increase in Productivity Cotton Wheat %age in Water Saving Cotton Wheat 58560 47410 6330 3920 0.035 0.101 - - - - 68770 39430 5490 3380 0.038 0.170 8.6% 68% 13% 14% Source: Salih Hamad Hamid & Osman E. Hamad, June 2000 1 feddan = 0.42 ha. The 1995/96 season exercise and the great efforts and success achieved by the High Committee in the following seasons, have shown not only the capability of the irrigation authorities to manage water under scarcity conditions, but also their success in getting different water users aware of water as a valuable scarce commodity, thus participating actively in decision making process as well as in the implementation. 8 6. IRRIGATION FINANCING ISSUES Irrigation systems in Sudan are dominated by four large scale irrigation schemes which represent more than 60% of the total irrigated area (Gezira and Managil = 925,000 ha, Rahad = 126,000 ha, Es Suki = 38,000 ha, and New Halfa = 185,000 ha). While small scale irrigation systems are operated and financed by the private sector, the government owns, operates and finances the large scale systems. Historically governmental funds were available in accordance to distinct production relations. A joint account relation was in operation until 1980/81. Under this method the shares have essentially remained the same with slight modifications in favor for the tenants, and ended up as follows: 38% to the government, 49% to the tenants, 10% to the management body and 3% to the social development fund. Being not encouraging among the producers, the joint account was abolished in 1981 and replaced by the individual account in which each tenant is responsible for all costs of production. He also has to pay for land and water charges to the government, and the net profit would go to the tenant after the deduction of all individual costs. In 1993, the Government decided the implementation of the policy of restructuring and reforming of the agricultural schemes in accordance with the state policies of liberalizing the agricultural sector and removing procedural and institutional barriers that hinder the production. Accordingly, a consortium of commercial banks was set up to provide the necessary funds to meet the agricultural production needs. As well as the Operation and Maintenance (O&M) costs for the irrigation systems. However, the bank consortium could not manage to meet the financial requirements properly, (due to the high amounts of money required) (Fig.2). The financial problem has thrown its shadow on the irrigation systems. As a result of insufficient funds to meet the O&M activities. This has, consequently been reflected as sharp decline in the productivity of all crops. (Hamid S. H. & Mohammed Y. A. 1999). The irrigation systems have been serious affected. Fig. ( 2): %age of Available Funds for the O&M Activities 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1995/96 1996/97 1997/98 1998/99 Seasons %age 9 As a result the Government decided in 1999/2000 to provisionally retain financing arrangements. Meanwhile efforts for improvements in the fields of irrigation water use and the agricultural performance are underway. It includes the improvement of the irrigation systems for effective use of the available water, boosting the production for the benefit of the producer, liberalizing the prices and eliminating all the previous procedural handicaps that used to cripple the producer and disable him from obtaining the best from his efforts. It is aimed to create a real tenant who will at the end have all the chances to participate actively in deciding and setting the policies of his agricultural production. Water users participation is one of the promising ideas which is currently getting momentum to be introduced in the Sudanese large irrigated schemes, as that is the only way which may guarantee the utilization of the resources to the best levels. References: Adam H. S., Ibrahim A.A. and Abdalla M. K (1999). “Quantification of Rainfall in the Sudan”. Ministry of Irrigation and Water Resources, Wad Medani, Sudan. (In Arabic). ARC. 1993/94. Annual Report. El Obeid Research Station. Agricultural Research Corporation, Ministry of Agriculture, National Resources and Animal Wealth. ARC, Wad Medani, Sudan. ARC. 1994/95. Annual Report. El Obeid Research Station. Agricultural Research Corporation, Ministry of Agriculture, National Resources and Animal Wealth. ARC, Wad Medani, Sudan. El Awad S.E.A.S. (1999). “Effects of Irrigation Interval and Tillage Systems on Irrigated Cotton and Succeeding Wheat Crop Under a Heavy Clay Soil in the Sudan”. Soil and Tillage Research 55(2000) 167-173. Elmufti A. (1999). “Study of Water Policy and Related Legislation in the Sudan in the Context of the Project SUD/98/005”. Fadl O. A. (1984). University of Gezira Water Management Programme. Conference Paper ‘Water Distribution in Sudanese Irrigated Agriculture Productivity and Equity”. University of Gezira, Wad Medani, pp 11-18. Ibrahim A.A. (1992). “Water Use Efficiency of Sorghum and Groundnut in the Gezira Scheme, Central Sudan”. Ph.D Thesis, University of Gezira. IGAD (1999). “Water Resources Assessment”. Sudan Country Report (IGAD/HYCos Project). Ibrahim A.A. (1997). “Sudan Water Resources Assessment”. HRS, Wad Medani, Sudan. Ibrahim A.A., Stigter C.J., Adeeb A.M., Adam H.S. and Van Rheemen W. (1999). “On- Farm Sampling Density and Correction Requirement, for Soil Moisture Determination in Irrigated Heavy Clay Soils in the Gezira, Central Sudan” Agricultural Water Management. 41(1999) 91–113. Salih Hamad Hamid & Yasir A. Mohammed, November 1999. “Large Scale Irrigation Schemes Performance – The Case of the Gezira Scheme in the Sudan”. Paper presented at the International Seminar on the Performance of Large and Small Irrigation Schemes in Africa, 15-19 November 1999, Abuja, Nigeria. 10 Salih Hamad Hamid & Osman E. Hamad, June 2000. “Irrigated Agriculture Under Drought and Scarcity Conditions – The Nile Basin Case”. Paper presented at the VIIIth Nile Conference – June 2000, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Sudan National Water Policy (2000). Prepared by the Ministry of Irrigation and Water Resources. Yousif G.M. (1997). “The Gezira Scheme the Greatest on Earth”. Africa University House for Printing, Khartoum, Sudan. http://www.eiipd.org/research/nile%20issue/nile_imperatives.htm Nile Imperatives: Avenues Toward A Win-Win Situation By Dr Kinfe Abraham Table of Contents CHAPTER ONE: SOME PARADOXES IN THE NILE STATUS QUO HYDROPOLITICS OF EGYPT THE HYDROPOLITICS OF ETHIOPIA CHAPTER TWO: CURRENT IMPERATIVES TO A NILE BASIN COOPERATION THE FOOD SECURITY IMPERATIVE THE IMPERATIVES OF CON-SENSUS AND INNOVATIONAL SECURITY CONCERN UNILATERALISM AND THE IMPERATIVE OF COMMON GOOD THE IMPERATIVE OF WATER SCARCITY THE IMPERATIVE OF BALA NUNG DEMAND AND SUPPLY CHAPTER THREE: COLLABORATING FOR A WIN-WIN SITUATION RESPONDING TO THE CHALLENGE OF FOOD SECURITY THE IMPORTANCE OF SPECIALISATION IRRIGATION AND FOOD SECURITY COLLABORATING VIA SPECIALIZATION IN VIRTUAL WATER THE HISTORICAL PATTERNS OF FAMINE AND DROUGHT CHAPTER FOUR: COLLABORATING FOR A WIN-WIN SITUATION THE IMPERATIVE OF CONSERVATION WHY CONSERVATION FROM CONFRONTATION TO COLLABORATION WHY ETHIOPIA’S DEVELOPMENT IS BENEFICIAL TO EGYPT CHAPTER FIVE: OTHER WIN/WIN IMPERATIVES 1. COOPERATION IN THE PRODUCTION OF HYDROPOWER 2. HARMONIZATION OF POLICIES AS COOPERATION STRATEGY OTHER BENEFITS OF COOPERATION 3. MAXIMIZING WATER RESOURCES 4. LINKING THE ISSUE OF WATER TO OTHER RESOURCES 5. ESTABLISHMENT OF SUPRANATIONAL ORGANIZATION 6. INTRODUCTION AND OPTIMAL USE OF TECHNOLOGY AND TECHNICAL KNOW-HOW 7. POSITIVE SPILL-OVERS FOR POLITICAL RELATIONS 8. PROTECTION AND ENHANCE-MENT OF THE ENVIRONMENT 9. COMBATING DROUGHT JOINTLY CHAPTER SIX: POLITICAL IMPERATIVES FOR COOPERATION CUES FOR EGYPT AND ETHIOPIA Cues for Ethiopia Cues for Egypt CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION RECENT EVENT IN COOPERATIVE ENDEAVOR THE BENEFITS OF COOPERATION VS. COMPETITION -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CHAPTER ONE SOME PARADOXES IN THE NILE STATUS QUO One fact is indisputable: the region is running out of water. And the people who have built their lives and livelihoods on a reliable source of fresh water are seeing the shortage of this vital resource impinge on all aspects of the tenuous relations that have developed over the years between economic sectors, and between individuals and their environment. Aron T. Wolf, University of Alabama, U.S.A.1a HYDROPOLITICS OF EGYPT Egypt has made greater use of the Nile waters than all the other riparian countries combined. This is due to the geographical, historical and economic circumstances obtaining in Egypt. Except the small Mediterranean strip and the narrow Nile Valley the rest of Egypt is a vast desert. Besides, as the vast majority of the Egyptian population are farmers, they depend on the Nile waters for irrigation. In fact, 98 per cent of the population lives in the valley of the Nile where more than 86 per cent of the Nile waters is provided by Ethiopia. Not surprisingly, therefore, Egypt attaches great importance to her bilateral relation with Ethiopia though this relation has not always been constructive. Equally importantly Ethiopia accords significance to her relation with Egypt because of its desire to reach an agreement on the Nile which it hopes will lead to a cooperation and a win-win situation. Despite the desire of Ethiopia and Egypt to improve relations, though on different terms, however the lopsided and uneven relationship and distributional imbalance of the waters of the Nile still persists. Nevertheless, one should recognize that is not entirely of the makings of Egyptian government. Egypt is not only dependent on the water of the Nile, but also on the fertile soil which the various tributaries that feed the Nile carry with the annual floods from the Ethiopian highlands. The Egyptian leader Khedive Ismael has immortalized the essence of this lopsided relation between the two countries in an oft-quoted statement which he made in response to a question put to him. Asked whether he intended to annex Ethiopia, he is reported as having replied “nature was already sending him down the best part of Ethiopia with each flood of the Nile, so that he had no desire for the residue."1b After colonizing Egypt in 1882 and Sudan, Kenya and Uganda in the last decade of the 19th century, Britain through political and legal maneuvers tried to ensure the unobstructed and continuous flow of the Nile River to Egypt. Interestingly and paradoxi-cally enough, it had also signed agreement on behalf of its other colonies pledging not to construct dams on the Nile River. Further, it had signed agreements with Ethiopia, the Italian colony of Eritrea and King Leopold II’s colony of the Congo prohibiting them from using the Nile waters without the prior consent of the British Government. It is also instructive to note that the 1929 Nile waters apportionment agreement between Britain and Egypt banned irrigation, power generation and other uses of the Nile waters by Sudan and other British colonies without the prior agreement of the Egyptian government in order to ensure a constant flow of water to Egypt. The British stance, in more senses than one, represents the early embryo of unilateralism which still bedevils the relationship among the Nile riparians in general and that of Ethiopia and Egypt in particular. Britain signed this agreement, which failed to uphold customary law as well as common sense, to soothe the anti-British nationalist anger in Egypt which followed the end of World War I, but it also resulted in the lingering feelings of resentment against Britain and Egypt by upper riparians. Paradoxically, while the other riparians were prevented from building dams Egypt has constructed barrages and dams without consulting upstream riparians. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the desire of the Egyptian Government was to control the Nile waters in such a way that the floods would remain within the banks. This was to ensure the availability of water throughout the year for permanent irrigation and for expanding the land under irrigation. Regrettably, however, the needs of upstream riparians was not taken into account by the Egyptian Government. In 1959, Egypt and Sudan signed an agreement for full utilization of the Nile waters without including other riparian in the agreement. By this agreement Sudan was allocated 18.5 BCM of water of the Nile and Egypt 55.5 BCM. After this agreement was reached the construction of the Great Aswan Dam went ahead in 1960. The Aswan High Dam is the first largest man-made lake with a reservoir of 591 Kms long which is capable of releasing 1500 tons of water every second for irrigation during times of drought. The Dam was estimated to expand cultivated land by 1.3 million acres and result in the application of permanent irrigation on 700,000 acres using the basin system. Its ultimate aim is to ensure the water security of Egypt by minimizing the risk of fluctuation of the Nile waters. Moreover, the dam was intended to provide considerable hydro-electric power as well as improved navigation possibilities below the dam. While constructing such an immense dam, Egypt did not open dialogue with any of the upstream Nile countries except the Sudan. Indeed the needs of the upper riparians were simply ignored.2 Regrettably the same is true said about the recently inaugurated Sinai and Kharga (Dkhala) water diversion projects which were constructed without prior consultation with upstream riparians. For instance, it should be noted that El Salam project requires 4.45 BCM of water which is to be pumped to the Sinai from the Nile. The same is also true of the new artificial lake in the valley of Khargo and Dkhala which began in 1981. A canal links the Nile and Lake Nasser to the new artificial lake with a reservoir of 600 sq. km and a capacity of 120 BCM. This was also planned to bring 200,000 hectares of land under irrigation. Such unilateral actions on the part of Egypt has encouraged other upper riparian to act unilaterally in their utilizing the waters of the Nile.3 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE HYDROPOLITICS OF ETHIOPIA Ethiopia is the main source of the Nile waters. More than 86 per cent of the water of the Nile originates from Ethiopia. However, it is a country that has made the least use of the Nile waters. During the colonial era, Ethiopia was engaged in struggles to maintain its territorial integrity and political independence against the colonial powers. This meant that it had neither the time nor the resources to harness the Nile waters. Yet, Ethiopia had the interest to utilize the Nile waters. A clear embodiment of Ethiopia’s interest of exploring the possibility of using the Nile for its development was that King Tefari Mekonnen sent a special envoy, Dr Workneh Martin, to the Untied States in 1927, on diplomatic mission to discuss and recruit American engineers for the Lake Tana development project. As a result of that effort, J.G. White Engineering Company was sent by the US Government, to undertake the study. The Ethio-US cooperation led to the commencement of the physical survey of the Blue Nile in 1930 at an estimated total cost of $8,878,000. The work included Lake Tana outlet work and the construction of a highway from Addis Ababa to Lake Tana. However, the project failed to materialize due to opposition on the part of Britain and the impending Italian invasion of Ethiopia.4 In the 1950s, Ethiopia contracted a US Engineering firm, Balton Hannessey and partners, to conduct a comprehensive study of the Abay (Blue Nile) River. The survey was implemented in 1957-1962. It involved studies of stream flow, soils, hydroelectric power potential, land use, marketing, communications, dams and irrigation potentials, which still constitute a fertile and lucrative area of action and cooperation. Sadly enough again, while Ethiopia was conducting the study, Egypt and Sudan were engaged in negotiation regarding the full utilization of the Nile waters in which Ethiopia was not included. It was, in fact, in this context that the Ethiopian Government protested asserting Ethiopia’s right to utilize the water resources within its borders. This was motivated by three factors. One is that the Abay (Blue Nile) River basin has considerable irrigable land. A second factor is that Ethiopia faced droughts afflicted it repeatedly, which made it necessary for it to utilize the waters of the Blue Nile for irrigation. As a result, by the 1970s Ethiopia had mapped out plans for developing irrigated agriculture in the Blue Nile Basin. According to Arsano:- Regarding the irrigation of the Ethiopian Nile Basin, 1,600,000 hectares of land, including, 115,000 hectares around Tekeze (Atbara), Angereb and Guang Rivers, 1,000,000 hectares around Baro (Sobat) River and 400,000 hectares of land around Abay (Blue Nile) was planned to come under irrigation.5 A third factor motivating Ethiopia’s assertion of its right to utilize the Nile waters is that most of the rivers in Ethiopia, including the Blue Nile are suitable for the generation of hydro-electric power. The rivers of Ethiopia also have the potential to produce 56,000 million KWh of hydro-electric power. It thus behooves Ethiopia to harness its hydro-power potential to conserve the limited foreign exchange which it spends on importing oil. Hence, as Arsano rightly observes: In any genuine attempt to tackle the problem of food and energy, Ethiopia has no option but effectively use her Nile waters for consumptive and non-consumptive purposes. There is no legal or institutional obligation which detracts Ethiopian policy makers as well as planners from fulfilling this duty in the best interest of their people. 6 Nevertheless, while the right of Ethiopia to utilize its water resources remains valid, its desire to reach an agreement on allocation has persisted for the simple reasons that it is firmly committed to peace and a win-win situation which can be derived from cooperation. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CHAPTER TWO CURRENT IMPERATIVES TO A NILE BASIN COOPERATION In Africa, water is unevenly distributed by nature and unevenly allocated by humans. The poor spend too much of their limited income, calories and time to get inadequate amounts of water," are most at risk from the lack of water availability, and are likely to pay the highest price for this scarcity". Margaret A. Novicki 7 THE FOOD SECURITY IMPERATIVE The food security imperatives of Egypt and the need to prepare for the winter of the future is compelling. Egypt, like Ethiopia, is currently trying to meet this challenge of the future through a massive Nile water diversion to the Sinai Desert on an unprecedented scale as noted in the excerpt below: The Egyptian government has broken ground on what will become the world's largest water pumping station, able to move 22,712 cubic meters (6 billion gallons) of Nile River water per day. The pumping station is the first step in a grand irrigation scheme for Egypt's desolate Western Desert, using the station and a giant canal to irrigate hundreds of thousands of acres in one of the world's driest climate.8 Egypt’s preoccupation with its future food security is fully appreciated in view of its growing population and the size of the arable land under cultivation which is entirely dependent on the Nile. This also explains why the planned Sinai project is of the scale it is: The project is essential, the President said, because the country is quickly running short of both water and living space. Today, nearly 90 percent of Egypt's 62 million people live on and work the land in the Nile River Delta, which totals only four percent of Egypt's entire area. Farmers have managed to maximize arable land by irrigating desert along the Nile's edge and around Lake Nasser, the mammoth reservoir created by the Aswan High Dam. But with a projected population of 85 million by 2015, the government contends that new areas for cultivation must be developed.9 Indeed, the importance of the project is also underlined by the magnitude of the investment and its technical complexity: The project's cost is to be more than US$2 billion. The massive pumping station, which will lift water 55 meters from Lake Nasser, will cost $810 million. The rest of the money will provide for construction of a three-mile tunnel and a canal, which may become the world's longest, at 150 miles (240 kilometers). This channel will provide irrigation for over 500,000 acres and link the oases of El Kharga and Farafra. Nearly 10 percent of all the water collected each year in Lake Nasser would be pumped along this ditch into the Western Desert.10 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE IMPERATIVES OF CON-SENSUS AND INNOVATIONAL SECURITY CONCERN While the Egyptian national concern is valid, it runs against a serious hurdle because it does not seem to take stock of the national security concerns of its immediate Nile partners. Aaron Gladman has captured the essence of this contentious issue which Egypt has to grapple with sooner than later: Legal agreements with Sudan and Ethiopia, who control the headwaters of the Nile, entitle Egypt to 55.5 billion cubic meters of water each year. Currently, the country uses every drop and more (recycling programs produce an extra 7.5 billion cubic meters per year). This leaves a paltry 300 million cubic meters to flow into the Mediterranean Sea annually - a fraction of the river's natural flow. Hydrologists familiar with the area have raised many concerns about the project.11 Clearly, international public opinion is also likely to see it as an unjust and inconsiderate measure. Professor Tony Alan, a leading scholar and scientists on the water issue in general and the Nile in particular, does not, for instance, mince his words in pointing out the injustice in the Egyptian position. The Professor of the University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies, calls the plan "preposterous, a national fantasy." He points out that both Sudan and Ethiopia are planning to build more impoundments on the upper Nile, and thus Egypt "is going to have less water [in the future], not more". But, Professor Alan is not alone in expressing doubts about the Sinai project. Some scientists including Egyptian ones have expressed concerns for technical reasons. Farouk El-Baz, an Egyptian hydrologist who teaches at Boston University in the US, also says the canal is not justified. He points out that the open channel will suffer enormous evaporative losses, and could easily be filled with sand blowing from the area's large dunes. El-Baz has also warned that the new scheme is likely cause problems with poor drainage and waterlogged fields. As most of the valleys along the canal are in depressions, El-Baz further cautions that, "fields would become waterlogged and pools would become breeding grounds for mosquitoes."12 Of course, there are better ways of addressing the water issue. One way is to improve the efficiency and a second way is to do research and coordinate with other riparians on more rational water utilization. This is a view shared by many as observed below: Opponents of the project, both local and international, say that Egypt would be better advised to research more efficient use of water in existing irrigated areas in the Nile delta, to prudently use available ground water, and to expand sewage-water recycling programs.13 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UNILATERALISM AND THE IMPERATIVE OF COMMON GOOD The sad story about the diversion of the Nile water to the Sinai Desert is not only that it is a unilateral action which does not take stock of the needs of the other riparianians, but also that it is not being harnessed to generate wealth for the common good of all. Very important lessons can be drawn from the American experience of water exploitation for the well-being of all. As one US story has it the City Superintendent of Los Angeles is said to have told the residents of LA: “There it is. Take it," as the residents stood by in 1913 with tin cups in hand, waiting to taste the first water sluicing through the 223-mile aqueduct from the Owens Valley. This story was later popularized by the water grab movie of Roman Polanski, called Chinatown. The interesting story is that a powerful group of L.A. businessmen “stole water from the fruit growers and cattle ranchers of the Owens Valley and made a fortune building subdivisions of the most productive croplands in the world on the newly irrigated land." The message of this is that water can be diverted to benefit not only entrepreneurs but also large populations that deserve to benefit from it without inflicting harm on others and to the benefit of all. The American Saga underscores the significance of Water as a source of life, wellbeing and wealth to all. Its value as the basis of the wealth of Los Angeles is further highlighted in the excerpt below: Mulholland’s bounteous gesture pretty much sums up how we’ve felt about water from the start. Like the wealthy L.A. Syndicate, we’ve taken it almost for free. We’ve used the gift of fresh water to irrigate our fields, producing a windfall harvest on thousands of acres of land where it would never have been possible on rainwater alone. In the northern hemisphere, we’ve harnessed and tamed three-quarters of the flow from the world’s major rivers to quench our thirst and generate power for our cities.14 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE IMPERATIVE OF WATER SCARCITY This important source of lesson for Nile countries is also underscored by the current projections about water scarcity in the future which is alarming. It is expected to affect many parts of the world. According to Elaine Robbins: “A number of areas could enter a period of chronic shortages during this decade, including much of Africa, northern China, pockets of India, Mexico, the Middle East and parts of western North America," according to Sandra Postel, director of the Global Water Policy Project in Amherst, Massachusetts. Some 26 countries are now considered to be “water scarce" - with fewer than 1,000 cubic meters of water available to each person per year. The number of water-scarce countries is expected to rise to 35 by the year 2020.15 Robbins further asserts that signs of scarcity the world over has begun to raise serious concerns. She observes that it is not a localized affair, but a phenomenon which has begun to hit a large parts of continents, countries and major cities. In megacities like Mexico and Bangladesh there is also an alarm about sinking cities as underground water continues to be overexploited. Robbins quotes Postel: Signs of water scarcity are showing up in many parts of the world. According to the World-Watch Institute, groundwater over-pumping and aquifer depletion are now a serious problem in the world’s most intensive agricultural areas, including the western United States, India and northern China. And in heavily populated cities like Mexico City, Bangkok and Jakarta, land is sinking as more groundwater is withdrawn to serve the water needs of growing populations than can’t be replenished by rainfall. “The Nile in Egypt, the Ganges in South Asia, the Yellow River in China and the Colorado River in America are among the major rivers that are so dammed, diverted or over-tapped that little or no fresh water reaches its final destination for significant stretches of time," writes Postel.16 THE IMPERATIVE OF BALA NUNG DEMAND AND SUPPLY What is more, maintaining balance between the demand for water and its supply is beginning to cause a serious disequilibrium. In fact, the demand for water has grown twice as much as that of population partly because of the Green Revolution. This has also led to higher levels of consumption due to improvement in the material quality of life of people in many parts of the world. As a result: In the century that’s now drawing to a close, demand for fresh water has grown twice as fast as population growth – due in large part to the Green Revolution in agriculture and a rising standard of living for many of the world’s people. Growing demand(coupled with centuries of poor water management and water pollution, which renders available resources unusable(has created local shortage of this renewable but finite resource. Ideas like towing icebergs to the Middle East and piping Alaska river water under the ocean to thirsty California aside, most cost-effective sources of new water “development" have already been tapped. Competition is heating up between countries, between different users within an area, and between man and nature. Will we pursue available solutions through conservation and equitable reallocation? Or will Mark Twain be proved right when he said, “Whiskey’s for drinking." 17 However, while there is no denying the fact that the water problem will probably get worse, some optimism is provided by countries like Israel where ingenuity and wisdom are being used to cope with the challenge of water scarcity to turn some of the arid parts of the world into a green areas. This point is emphasized below: A drive through Israel and the West Bank reveals two very different scenarios of our relationship with water in the coming half century. In Israel, you can see evidence of man’s ingenuity with living in a brutally parched landscape. Rows of orange trees and vegetable plants are irrigated with recycled wastewater from the cities. Seawater irrigates varieties of cotton and tomato plants that thrive on salty water. Most impressive, Israeli officials, while proud of their country’s success at realizing the Zionist dream of making the desert bloom, recognize that it’s unsustainable in the long run. They reportedly plan to transfer more than a third of agriculture’s fresh water to cities, using income from the growing industrial sector to import more of the nation’s food.18 The contrast between development in Israel and Palestine, which of course has its own historical reasons, is for instance noteworthy as Robbins Elaine further explains: Fifty miles away in the West Bank, a different picture emerges. Many Palestinians lack running water, so they have to buy their water from trucks or capture in cisterns the little rainwater that falls. Although they are sitting on top of the West Bank aquifer, which supplies 25 percent of Israel’s water, they are forbidden by Israeli authorities to drill wells to tap the aquifer. Policymakers are starting to talk about water replacing oil as a major cause of war in the coming decades, and the Middle East, where such water-sharing tensions abound, is considered a hot spot for such conflicts.19 The most important lessons to be drawn by Nile riparian countries to avert a potentially explosive situation is the art of cooperation that has multiple benefits. The first advantage is the signing of an agreement. A second dividend is that cooperation can lead to multiple joint development projects. A third dividend is that agreement and cooperation will replace/prevent unilateral and arbitrary action thereby reducing the risks of conflicts among the Nile riparian. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CHAPTER THREE COLLABORATING FOR A WIN-WIN SITUATION RESPONDING TO THE CHALLENGE OF FOOD SECURITY All countries in sub-Saharan Africa share one or more river basins, with at least 54 rivers or water bodies that across form international boundaries. But few are effectively managed in joint manner. Better cooperation and greater investment in shared water basins is needed, but so too is water policy reform at the national level. The first step in the process, say the experts, is to acknowledge water as a scarce resource and its centrality to poverty reduction, economic growth, food security and environmental protection. Amy Dockser Marcus, The Wall Street Journal 20 One of the challenges and unresponsiveness of the leaders of the Nile Basin countries in the past was one of not coming to terms with the problem of dwindling or at least declining levels of water resources with courage and realism and of not making the issue a public one. Yet, given the demographic upswing, which is inevitable with the passage of time and factors like climate change over which they have little or no control they could have spoken and could still speak out with little or no compunction or sense of qualm about the matter. By doing so they would have not only demonstrate their integrity and honesty, but also conveyed the message that water is a finite resource. The public could then be expected to draw the sobering lesson that water is a vital resource to be conserved and not squandered. Despite the value of generating such awareness, the leaders have instead chosen the option of harping on the same tune as their predecessors projecting the message that military muscle will keep the water levels high. The other option they have opted for is that of offsetting the water deficiency by importing food crops. There has been some positive change in recent years, but the challenge which remains daunting and verile to this day. Should also put in its proper context. Professor J.A Alan of the school of African and Oriental Studies of the University of London has captured the essence of this problem succinctly below. He writes: It would require inhuman level of courage for a political leader of a country that has enjoyed water security for 5,000 years to announce that supplies are no longer adequate. Instead, leaders insist that supplies are “sufficient". But this is deceptive. Supplies are “sufficient" for the small amounts needed for drinking: one cubic meter per year per person. They may also cover current domestic and industrial needs, although both of these are on the rise. But there isn’t enough fresh water to cover these demands in addition to the tremendous amounts needed for food production. It takes at least 1,000 cubic meters of low quality water to raise the amount of food an individual needs in a year. 21 Professor Alan then goes on to compare the value of water with value of virtual water: Instead of paying the political costs of publicly recognizing this deficit, leaders rely on the convenient solution of “virtual water". To raise a tone of wheat, you need 1,000 tones of water. Importing a million tones of wheat is equivalent to importing a billion tones (cubic meters) of water. Since the end of the 1980s, the MENA region has been importing 40 million tones of cereals and flour annually. More virtual water “flows" into the region each year than flows down the Nile into Egypt for agriculture.22 The hitch about this is, however, that the 'Mena' region (North Africa and Middle East) has been importing its virtual water at a subsidized price. He adds emphasized the importance of creating a basin-wide food security zones and regrets the fact that a great amount of investment is being diverted to ensure this in a number of Middle Eastern and North African countries including Egypt. Up until 1991, Saudi Arabia used significant amounts of fossil water--which is extraordinarily pure but non-renewable--to grow corn. “The Great man-made River Project" is Libya’s solution to achieving greater food self-sufficiently. The plan is to pump water from deep wells in the north of the country and then send it through underground pipes to irrigate about 200,000 hectares along the Mediterranean coast at an estimated capital cost of $25 billion. These are extreme examples. But consider the case of Egypt, where about 90 per cent of the national water budget goes to agriculture and yet another 7.5 million tones of grain, equivalent to 7.5 billion cubic meters of virtual water, were still imported last year to feed the population of about 63 million.23 Indeed, the Mena region is currently benefiting by buying wheat at half the price because of the agriculture subsidy being provided to the European and American farmers. However, depending on the importation of wheat to conserve the precious commodity (water) is not tenable in the long term. The pressure put on removing subsidies to European farmers being put by the American Govern...

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