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...sian American sexuality by the system of racial exclusionism is established at the very outset of the film, with the opening sequence set in the New York Chinatown of 1949. A voiceover narrative by Wah Gay Wang movingly recounts how discriminatory laws and legislation targeting Asians prohibited immigration to the United States, denied them citizenship, and separated husbands and wives. During the narrative, Wah Gay himself is seen visiting a local prostitute at her apartment. As he leaves, Wang is met by a long line of similarly situated overseas "bachelors" waiting their turn to be served. But the United States' overriding of select anti-Asian immigration laws after World War II, in order to gain support for its foreign policy among its Cold War allies in Asia, breathed new life into Chinatown. Under the amended law, World War II veterans like Ben Loy were permitted to marry Chinese women and bring them to the United States as wives. Ben Loy is not quite ready to leave bachelorhood, despite Wah Gay's disapproval of his son's freewheeling life. Ben Loy appears to spend much of his time in the company of a White demimondaine who haunts Chinatown night spots. (Later, after Ben Loy is married, the White, female object of desire suddenly reappears at an ill-timed moment.) At the insistence of Wah Gay, Ben Loy returns to his father's home village to find a suitable wife, with the assistance of a mui-yan, or matchmaker. When Ben Loy is reunited with his mother (Hui Fun), who has not seen her husband in twenty years, her loneliness and isolation is palpable. She is anxious for her son to marry well and live contentedly with his family in the United States. But when they later discuss his marriage prospects, Ben Loy puts forth idealized White women as his erotic touchstone. Mother: If you don't like this girl, you can pick somebody else. Ben Loy: Right. I pick Rita Hayworth, but I'll settle for Betty Grable. The extent to which Ben Loy's sexual imaginary is dominated by Whiteness does not surface until this phantasy comes into conflict with the reality of being married to a Yellow woman once the couple returns to the United States as husband and wife. It is only then that he becomes afflicted with social and sexual impotence, able to function effectively neither at the workplace nor in the marital bedchamber. Lost Erection The pivotal sequence in Eat a Bowl of Tea is nothing less than masterly in the way it dramatizes the romantic bond formed between Ben Loy and Mei Oi at an outdoor screening of the film Lost Horizon (Capra 1937). At the same time, the insertion of key scenes from the classic film serves as meta-commentary on the way in which the dominant U.S. cinema defines the meaning of White eroticism for people the world over: Even those living in a remote Chinese village are within the colonizing reach of Hollywood movies, whose potent White stars stand in demiurgic contrast to the alienated sexuality of those either demeaned or excluded for most of Hollywood's institutional history. It should be recalled that in Lost Horizon-a colonialist film in the guise of Christian pacifism-the head "Asian" representative of Shangri-La, Chang (H. B. Warner), is played by a White actor in "Yellow face." It is also worth noting that the founder of the Utopian Asian society is a Belgian missionary named Father Perrault (Sam Jaffe). The stated goal of Perrault-turned-High Lama is to let the warring nations of the world destroy themselves so his earthly paradise can thereafter exist in peace. "When the strong have devoured each other," says the frightfully messianic High Lama, "the Christian ethic may at last be fulfilled, and the weak shall inherit the Earth." Not coincidentally, the James Hilton novel Lost Horizon (1933) was published when the British colonial empire was being tested both by Chinese nationalist movements and by the threat posed by the triumph of Japanese imperial military forces throughout much of East and Southeast Asia. European colonialist sentiment resides in the person of Robert Con way (Ronald Colman)-"England's 'Man of the East,'" "soldier, diplomat, public hero"-who arrives at the town of "Baskul" to evacuate its White British subjects before they are "butchered" during a "local revolution," only to be kidnapped and taken to Shangri-La at the urging of the virginal Sondra (Jane Wyatt). For at age thirty, Sondra is in need of the virile Englishman to help replenish the vanishing White leadership caste, which has been lost amid the peaceable kingdom of Yellow people to whom it has brought Christian civilization. Well before the film adaptation of Lost Horizon was produced, the United States had staked a claim in China, along with other nations belonging to the coalition exercising White Western imperial rule throughout most of Asia. It is only fitting that the celebrated director Frank Capra went on to become a key participant in the production of the classic U.S. Army propaganda piece Know Your Enemy-Japan (1945) and other films that drew upon the vast reservoir of anti-Asian racist images that Hollywood periodically tapped into (Koppes and Black 1990, 250). The budding romance between Ben Loy and Mei Oi, and the marriage that soon follows, quite literally is mediated by the dominant cinema and its White actors. From the very beginning, the couple's most intimate moments together are superimposed against scenes from Lost Horizon as the film is being projected onto a makeshift screen outdoors. While an older villager (Lui Tat) translates the English-language dialogue, the aging matinee idol Colman and his sweetheart Wyatt are seen kissing, raising embarrassed titters among the audience. At that instant, the film is interrupted by an announcement that Ben Loy and Mei Oi have been found compatible for marriage after careful study of their respective horoscopes. The pair slip away and meet behind the translucent screen, reversed images of scenes with Col-man and Wyatt from Lost Horizon serving as the backdrop for their mounting pas-sion. Ben Loy asks Mei Oi, "How do you feel about me?" Before Mei Oi answers, both of them turn in unison toward the hovering screen image of White superego Ronald Colman as if waiting for his benediction before coming together in mad embrace. Mei Oi waits almost fifteen full seconds before rushing to Ben Loy, kissing him, then fleeing in coquettish elation as the ghostly presence of Wyatt in a diaphanous robe crosses the screen in a parallel kinetic gesture. After consummating their marriage without apparent difficulty during their honeymoon, Ben Loy and Mei Oi return to New York. There they are feted at a large banquet, where, in honor of the newlyweds, the president of the North American branch of the Wang Family Association solemnly notes the historic importance of the wed-ding. He speaks of the "harsh laws" that once governed Chinese immigration to the United States: "A man came here and lived as an outsider in the beautiful country. He could not share it with his wife. He could not watch his children grow." This is a specific reference to Mei Oi's father Bok Fat (Lee Sau Kee), who left Hong Kong before her birth. Only after coming to the United States as the bride of Ben Loy does Mei Oi meet her father. The speaker praises the sacrifices made by Chinese American veterans such as Ben Loy, who have helped to hasten the end of discriminatory treatment in matters of immigration by serving in the military during World War II and proving their loyalty to the United States. In siring children with his wife, Ben Loy is made to accept personal and historical responsibility for reviving what Wah Gay has described in the opening voiceover narrative as a "dying" Chinatown community. While Ben Loy endures the pressures of his new job as manager of a large restaurant, long-repressed psychosexual dynamics are resurrected at home in bed with his new wife. On the nightstand sits a framed photograph of a smiling Wah Gay, which the self-conscious Ben Loy turns face down before directing his amorous attention to Mei Oi. But with the burden of family and history weighing heavily upon his shoulders, Ben Loy is unable to perform sexually Ben Loy: I don't think I'm gonna be able to do this. Mei Oi: What's wrong? Ben Loy: I just feel like everyone's watching us. Later, at the gambling parlor operated by Wah Gay, his friends are gossiping about Ben Loy's failure to produce an heir. The playful sage Old Lum (Michael Lee) offers a mocking but insightful comment suggesting that the couple's reproductive failure might lie in the lack of available examples to follow. "Hey, maybe they don't know how to do it. Back home, they watch the pigs, they get idea," says Old Lum. Enter the Heavenly Dragon Further psychosexual complications arising from Ben Loy's thoroughgoing socialization by the dominant cinema are artfully dramatized in a downward spiral of sexual dysfunction. Upon experiencing further difficulties in the marital bed, Ben Loy and Mei Oi, following a physician's advice, take an automobile trip to Washington, D.C. Free of the oppressively familiar Chinatown ghetto, and rejuvenated by his pilgrimage to the seat of U.S. national government, Ben Loy finds renewed sexual vigor. While Mei Oi sits on his lap during love play in their hotel room, she is surprised by the Jade Stalk stirring in her husband's trousers. Jubilant congress of a sexual sort ensues. But immediately upon their return to New York, the couple is dismayed to discover that the Heavenly Dragon once more is unable to rear its head. It happens that only cinema-induced fantasies of the Anglicized actress Rita Hayworth can effect psychogenic arousal in Ben Loy. Without so much as a transition shot, the next scene, immediately following yet another of Ben Loy's erectile failures, opens directly into the extra-diegetic space and time of The Lady from Shanghai (Welles 1948). (The movie features sinister San Francisco Chinatown stock characters working in cahoots with the devious Elsa Bannister [Rita Hayworth], the "lady from Shanghai" who speaks fluent Cantonese and moves with ease through their noir alien world. Her dual White-Yellow identity makes her doubly treacherous to Michael O'Hara [Orson Welles], a seafaring rogue in pursuit of ill-gotten treasure.) Welles and Hayworth are kissing passionately at their rendezvous at San Francisco's Steinhart Aquarium. Sea creatures monstrously magnified through the glass of Tank #50 dart by in the background as the couple plot their next move, a visual allusion to the sensual dance of two individuals each maneuvering to outsmart the other while caught in the grip of primal sexual attraction, Only then, as the film cuts away from The Lady from Shanghai, do we see the beatifically illuminated, upturned faces of Mei Oi and Ben Loy, who are enraptured by what they are voyeuristically viewing on the movie screen. They are visibly excited by watching the White couple surrender themselves to unadulterated lust in so public a manner. So thoroughly aroused are Ben Loy and Mei Oi by witnessing the sexually charged exchange between Welles and the platinum blonde Hayworth that they shoot out of their seats without uttering a word and dash home to fuk. As they hurriedly disrobe in preparation for the coming together of Cinnabar Grotto and Jade Stalk, someone knocks on the door-just as Ben Loy has dropped his trousers. Standing suggestively at the threshold is none other than the White woman with whom he had frequented Chinatown nightclubs during his carefree days as a bachelor. After Ben Loy quickly ushers out his unwanted visitor, Mei Oi becomes angry, not believing him when he lies that the woman had come to the wrong apartment. For Mei Oi, the mood for lovemaking has been broken by the White interloper. What the love goddess Rita Hayworth giveth Ben Loy, his former paramour taketh away. It is not long before the predatory Ah Song, sensing marital strife between the couple, begins a doomed affair with the sexually unfulfilled Mei Oi while Ben Loy is busy at work. When Mei Oi becomes pregnant, the entire community is elated. In the mind of Ben Loy, however, the question of paternity casts a shadow over the welcome news. But doubts over fatherhood are dispelled when he calculates that his wife's conception coincided with their motor trip to Washington, D.C. During the closing moments of Eat a Bowl of Tea, the underlying themes of Asian American family fragmentation and deformed sexuality are reprised in a coda wherein a thoroughly demoralized Ben Loy pokes about the darkened apartment his father has abandoned. For Wah Gay has fled to Havana after avenging the cuckolding of his son by cutting off Ah Song's ear/penis with a cleaver. Ben Loy looks fondly at sepia-toned photographs of himself as a child with his mother. In another picture, he is a proudly uniformed G.I. with his father. A separate portrait of Wah Gay as a young man conveys a sense of confidence and great expectations in the new land. Significantly, there is not one photograph of father, mother, and son en famille. Ben Loy turns to look directly into a mirror. He sees himself as if for the first time, unmediated by the social gaze of others. Subsequent to this final act of self-recognition, Ben Loy is made whole again and recovers his procreative powers. The couple move to San Francisco, where Ben Loy will pursue a career in radio covering sports. With Ben Loy's social voice broadcast beyond the confines of Chinatown, he and Mei Oi become among the first full generation of Chinese Americans who can enjoy a semblance of "normal" family life. White Porno Supremacy Just as the "eroticization" of non-White peoples serves to "justify the control of entire communities," racism plays a constitutive role in the White masculinity complex (Kivel 1996, 63). As it affects Asian Americans in particular, the naked display of the White racist masculinity complex is found at its rawest in video porn, both gay and straight. The video-porn subspecialty featuring Yellow women has become so commercially popular that the actress Asia Carrera has achieved the distinction of becoming the only rookie to be named Female Performer of the Year (1994) by Adult Video News- this after being credited with nearly a score of feature appearances in her maiden season (Galt 1997). Along with Asia Carrera, Kia, Suzi Suzuki, Mimi Miyagi, Kitty Yung, Mai Lin, Tina Chow, Tricia Yen, Kobe Tai, Leanni Lei, and other up-and-coming Yellow female performers feed the growing appetite for the genre of video porn that the industry classifies as "Oriental." Vivid Video of Van Nuys, California, has become an industry leader in video-porn Oriengenitalia, as seen by its Tongue Fu (1994) compilation tape, which happily promises "Four Hours of Fellatio and Asialingus." Born in Singapore, but currently residing in the United States, Annabel Chong was offered $10,000 in payment for setting a world record of 251 (forty-nine short of the 300 she set as her personal goal) successive couplings and assorted stunts during one day of ambitious shooting for The World's Biggest Gang Bang (Bone 1995).™ There is a brief on-camera interview with Chong before attempting the feat she herself had suggested be staged. Her prefatory comments concerning the event do not betray any sense of "victimage" that anti-porn feminists have often claimed for women performing "erotic labor." Genuinely impressed by a stage set that is perhaps best described as Roman orgy kitsch, the deceptively ditzy Chong who attends the University of Southern California as a student seems more interested in knowing whether she can get one of the really neat commemorative T-shirts that crew members are wearing than in the impending sexual marathon. The director, John T. Bone, speaks through a bullhorn to the quietly expectant participants sitting in the bleachers, outlining gang-bang procedure and protocol as they pay rapt attention. After raising the possibility of situational impotence among attendees, his reassuring words are met with nervous laughter. Bone suggests that those so afflicted help themselves to a cup of coffee, have a sandwich, and take a moment to relax before getting back in line. Adding to the carnival of full-frontal absurdity is the former high-school teacher and witty porn legend Ron Jeremy, who as master of ceremonies interviews three "fluff girls" whose job it is to inspire the ardor of those in need of a lift. It is quite telling that Yellow is the only color missing from the otherwise rainbow coitus coalition of more than one-hundred pro-am talent and porno-star wannabes from across the country who were enlisted to participate in The World's Biggest Gang Bang. The only Asian American in attendance seems to have been given the job of wiping Chong clean of spent pearl jam. A homophobic White journalist who reported on the follow-up gonzo extravaganza featuring Jasmin St. Clair-The World's Biggest Gang Bang 2 (Bone 1996) takes supercilious delight in having recognized from the earlier event an "overweight, faggy-looking Filipino in his early thirties" whose job it was to clean up "any and all spunk sprayed upon" the performers. "Wearing an actual pair of dishwashing gloves and an apron, Homo-Momo (as we'll call him) is also armed with sponges and towels to mop up the muck from Jasmin's cunt, ass, back, tummy, whatever. Blechhh! What kind of heterosexual would even consider doing this shiet? ... even for money?!!" (Petkovich 1997a, 28). For the White reporter, who is made anxious and perhaps even excited by the sight of so many cocks in various states of arousal all at once, it is convenient to "homosexualize" Momo both to allay his own fears of male-to-male attraction and to eliminate the thereby emasculated Yellow man from the ranks of heterosexual competitors. Although Asian Americans are absent, African Americans and Latinos-two non-White groups that are more commonly associated with janitorial labor-are well represented among the gang-bang participants. For unlike Asian Americans, African Americans and Latinos, within the prevailing sex/race/power regime, are coded as hypersexual threats to the White male monopoly on all women, irrespective of color. "Sharing" women with supposedly preternaturally skilled Blacks and Latinos helps allay the performance anxiety of their White masters, however, because a pathetically large number of them have difficulty attaining, let alone maintaining, the degree of tumescence required to complete the copulatory act. For Momo, and the Yellow man in general, the desexualized function as custodial attendant and "homosexualized" eunuch denies him basic social agency. Missing in Action As seen in the "world's biggest" gang bangs (but on a far less epic scale), Asian American male performers are almost nonexistent in straight video porn, again reflecting their sexuo-erotic subjection within the White supremacist complex. In one of the few porn films to feature an Asian American man, Once upon Annette (Haven 1978), a White woman (Tina Orchard) and her mate (James Fong) are shown blithely romping through a meadow, both wearing only animal skins, in Neanderthal fashion. As pseudo-Sinitic music plays in the background, the couple pause to caress each another. Across the way, a similarly clad White caveman (David Blair) spies the couple making out. He sneaks up on the two and, shouting caveman gibberish (the inter-title translation reads, "Eat Chinese-and half-hour later you want more"), runs off the Yellow man with a club before he can deposit Asian genetic material into the White woman. An extreme long shot shows White man and White woman going at it, troglodyte-style, until the dirty deed appears to be done. Thus does White man prevail over Yellow man, from prehistory to present. The exclusion of the Yellow man from video porn on the basis of his Asian racial identity is simply assumed in the industry, contrary to the denials of at least two prominent insiders. Asia Carrera says, "I'd love it if there was an Asian actor," after first joking that there are no Yellow men in video porn, "'cause they all have small dicks." The porn director Hal Morton disingenuously contends, "If there was an Asian guy with the right equipment and a desire to be in this business, he'd get work" (Greenfeld 1995, 36). Truth be told, the absence of Asian American men in video porn has nothing to do with having the "right equipment" and the "desire" to be in the business. The reason is found in the obdurate anti-Asian racism of the dominant society, which is reproduced intact by the thematic conventions of U.S. video porn. The multivolume Tokyo Blue (various dates) series, imported from Japan and therefore free of the pervasive White-supremacist race/sex/power ideology of U.S. product, supplies ample evidence of the "right equipment" and "desire" among Asian male performers. Regrettably, the poor-quality Tokyo Blue tapes, the almost equally dismal Ultra Call Girls (1995), and more recent imports from Taiwan such as Wonderful Desire (1996) complete with unintentionally humorous English-language subtitles-are indicative of the limited opportunities Asian Americans have in their power to view on video other Yellow people reveling in the joy of their own sexuality, without White intervention. Sum Yung Men Concerning gay video porn, the filmmaker and theorist Richard Fung has observed that the sole function of the "eroticized Asian" in most commercial productions is to serve White male pleasure (Fung 1991). As evidence of the White racism found in much gay community life, according to one observer, Asian American men in gay video porn until recently have appeared almost exclusively as "feminized bottoms who serve White studs with their asses in bed and as literal servants in the nonsex scenes" (Browning 1994, 196). A study that advances gay video porn as a potent form of political practice, but nevertheless acknowledges that a dominant "sexual-racial discourse" lies within the subgenre that debases Asian American men in specific, reached a similar conclusion: "Although gay porn may radically rewrite much of history," the author concluded, "it unfortunately has not radically positivized the situations of gay men of color in this country" (Burger 1995, 57). Through such work as Dirty Laundry (1996) where the erotic encounter of two Yellow men on a passenger train parallels a larger historical meditation on the homo-social nature of nineteenth-century Chinese immigrant life in the Americas Fung himself gamely has supplied a needed corrective to the gross disparity in sex/power as mediated by race. Yet his experience in producing an educational "safer-sex" porn video featuring two Asian actors met with contradictory responses from three Chinese Canadian men whom he interviewed. While they were not necessarily attracted to the performers (who defy the racial and body conventions of commercial porn), they still said that it was important that "Asian features and bodies be shown as desirable" (Fung 1993, 365). This only reaffirms Fung's professional interest in eroticizing gay Yellow men by creating imagery that he hopes will rewrite a sexual script that otherwise degrades or excludes them. John Hayman and Oggi are two directors who have carved out a specialty niche by filming overseas with Thai performers. Yet it is obvious that their work caters to White men who fancy Yellow men, or "rice queens." The review blurbs for such films as Passage to Spring (Hayman 1995a), Room Service (Oggi 1995b), Sexual Healing (Oggi 1995c), and Thai Take-Out (Hayman 1995b) saying, "Great fantasy fodder for daddies with a yen for Asians"; "Appreciation may depend on your attraction to Asian men"; and "Rice queens will O.D." suggest that it is the White, not the Yellow, male viewer who is being courted (Lawrence 1996,122,132,135). Rather than as offering an alternative to White-dominant gay video porn, such specialty titles are better understood as an extension of the Asian sex-tourism industry, in which Thailand plays a prominent part within the capitalist world economy. Recently, however, there are signs that White racial domination as represented in gay porn is being renegotiated ever so slightly, if only at the pre-political level. The otherwise undistinguished Catalina Video production Pacific Rim (Dunne 1997) features an exclusively Asian American cast who exist for the pleasure of themselves alone, without the usual dynamics of unequal power stemming from White racial superiority and Yellow subordination. The producer, director, and writers, however, bear Anglo-Saxon surnames. Thus, overall power and control over content remain in the hands of White men. This singular failing might account for the mildly Orientalist script and cheesy but admittedly funny opening credits, with "Godzilla" menacing a smog-shrouded Los Angeles. Apart from demonstrating that bad acting in video porn truly cuts across sexual modalities and racial, gender, and class lines, the all-Yellow ensemble in Pacific Rim might offer a foretaste of a future Asian American porno practice whereby beauty, desire, pleasure, and orgastic potency are conjoined with an integrated sense of self that makes its presence felt in the realms of social, cultural, and political power. Porno Pop Culture This brief survey establishes the way in which the massive video porn industry-like its mainstream "Hollywood" counterpart, which is also based in the Greater Los Angeles area-reproduces the assumptions and prerogatives of the White-supremacist complex. Its social sweep and widespread cultural influence is beyond dispute. The "adult video" market is both varied and extensive, reaching into every corner of U.S. society. The 7,852 "hard-core" titles released in 1996 generated sales and rental revenues of $3.9 billion (Fishbein 1996, 75). And these numbers do not even include mail-order sales. Once stigmatized as servicing the warped needs of an antisocial, deviant subculture, the products and services spawned by contemporary porn businesses have moved to the vital center of U.S. industry. According to a positively glowing cover story that appeared in US News and World Report, the porno industry is a shining example of "free market" principles as extolled during the Reagan-Bush years (Schlosser 1997). Last year, Americans plunged more than $8 billion into the "sex industry," an amount that far outgrossed the domestic earnings of Hollywood films and most of the recording industry combined. The sale of pornography has become a lucrative revenue stream for the mainstays of U.S. business, from family-owned video stores to large corporate entities such as the long-distance carrier AT&T and cable-TV companies such as Time Warner. Major hotel chains, including Holiday Inn, Hyatt, and Marriot, "now reportedly earn millions of dollars each year supplying adult films to their guests" (ibid., 44). At home, viewers last year ordered porno via pay-per-view services from Cablevision Systems Corporation; Continental Cablevision; Telecommunications, Inc.; and Time Warner to the tune of $150 million. Neither is the consumption of video porn exclusively a male activity. A survey conducted by Redbook magazine, a publication that epitomizes middle-American domesticity, "found that almost half of its readers regularly watched pornographic movies in the privacy of their homes" (ibid., 46). Periodicals whose respective editorial focus is decidedly more sexually adventurous than Redbook's, such as Cosmopolitan and Mademoiselle, probably would report an even higher percentage of video porn usage among its readership. In late 1995, the genteel readers of The New Yorker were treated to a lengthy article by the noted author Susan Faludi, who plumbed the lower depths of the porno industry in the San Fernando Valley area of Los Angeles County. There she discovered a curious inversion of male-female power relations in a business in which women command greater respect by benefit of their markedly superior earning power as performers, making about 50 to 100 percent more in fees than do men. "But then she is the object of desire," says Faludi, while the man is "merely her appendage, the object of the object" (Faludi 1996, 65-66). This apparently is a commonly held prejudice among almost all male directors of heterosexual porn, according to "sexpert" Susie Bright. When asked by Bright why "most straight porn looks so uninspired," the director Andrew Blake answered that he considers the male actor to be a mere prop, a "piece of furniture" (quoted in Bright 1995, 85). Faludi views the stable of top-drawer male porno performers such as Jeff Stryker, T. T. Boy, Nick East, and the late Cal Jammer as emblematic of the wider crisis in masculine identity caused by the disappearance of well-paid occupations that sustained male privilege until a generation ago. With women entering the workforce and competing for economic position, a shift has taken place in historically unequal gender relations that many men find threatening. Michael S. Kimmel makes an almost identical point when he connects the disappearance of meaningful work and community for men with the rapid decline of male domination in society. He also advances the notion that the gain in women's rights has been "accompanied by an increase in pornographic images" (Kimmel 1991, 316). However questionable this argument may be, Faludi implies that this supposed turnabout in power is symbolized by the tragic story of Cal Jammer. He retired from performing in porno films (he was having difficulty "getting wood" on the movie set), only to have his wife, Jill Kelly, enter the business and begin outearning him. Having been unmanned in this way, Jammer went to his estranged wife's house one day and shot himself dead outside her door. Consistent with her perspective on male porno stars-they are portrayed as a pathetic lot-Faludi seems to relish the irony that while men might enjoy ejaculatory "money-shot" visual supremacy, female performers reap far greater monetary rewards than their male counterparts. Beyond this, Faludi fails to develop the more profound implications of video porn in the popular culture. By contrast, although sometimes overstating...